LHC Assassination Conspiracy Theory Threatens Jang Group's Believability

Sep 20th, 2010 | By | Category: Conspiracy Theories, Jang, The News

The News (Jang Group)The News (Jang) finds itself in a rather embarrassing situation today as the Supreme Court has issued a public statement that an article in Sunday’s newspaper is misleading and requested Jang to publish a correction “prominently, preferably at the same spot on the front pages of the two newspapers in order to set the record straight.”

“It is clarified that the above-mentioned caption is misleading in so far as it gives the impression that the judges of the Superior Courts have direct clear threats from administrative officials, which is not the true reflection of the issue discussed in the above mentioned meeting nor the press release issued in this regard refers to any such threats. In fact, the meeting discussed the security related situation in view of the purported information ‘emanating from administrative authorities’ in relation to the alleged plot to target the Hon’ble Chief Justice of Lahore High Court as mentioned in the report of the Special Branch of the Government of Punjab.

“Unfortunately, your above-mentioned captions portray the totally different message as if the Hon’ble judges of Superior Courts are being threatened by the administrative officials, which is not the case. It is expected that an appropriate clarification may please be published prominently, preferably at the same spot on the front pages of the two newspapers in order to set the record straight.”

The Supreme Court should be commended for pointing out the misleading nature of this headline, possibly chosen for its sensationalism.

It should also be noted that the truth of the underlying story – that there is a plot to assassinate the Chief Justice of the Lahore High Court – is questionable in its own right.

Ansar AbbasiThe article which originated this claim, “Plot to kill Justice Sharif unearthed,” was written by Jang reporter Ansar Abbasi on 11 September and contains several items which call into question the claim’s legitimacy.

First, according to Abbasi,

The report titled “PLAN TO ELIMINATE A VALUE TARGET” was recently submitted to the Chief Minister Punjab Shahbaz Sharif as “Most Immediate” and “For the CM’s eyes only”.

If a high-level intelligence report labeled as “For the CM’s eyes only” has fallen into the hands of Mr Ansar Abbasi, a skeptical reader must ask himself what the purpose of this leak could possibly be. Sending a “Most Immediate” and top secret intelligence report to a newspaper reporter would be a serious breach of security.

Furthermore, though Mr Abbasi claims that

The report also contains the names of the hired assassins but this information is being withheld by The News on the request of the source, who insisted that the disclosure of their names would make it hard for the provincial government to get hold of them.

This claim is difficult to believe. After all, regardless of whether or not the names of the individuals are reported, surely the alleged assassins know who they are and, seeing that their plan was published in the newspaper, would immediately destroy all evidence and probably flee the country.

Of course, this basic common sense did not stand in the way of a good story for Ansar Abbasi especially as it of course concludes by accusing an unnamed federal minister of participation in the plot as a means to advance PPP power.

But even this claim undermines this conspiracy theory. If Ansar Abbasi or anyone else has evidence that a federal minister is plotting the assassination of the LHC Chief Justice, should not that evidence be made public immediately so that the individual can be removed from position of power?

Of course this has not happened, rather Ansar Abbasi and his fellow “reporters” at Jang continue to concoct the most outrageous tales with none of the characters – either good or bad – named. It is simply rumour and innuendo hiding behind the crass exploitation of journalistic privilege.

Ansar Abbasi and Jang Group were handed a ‘black eye’ over the week end when it was reported that Special Branch has denied the legitimacy of the report completely.

Former chief of the Special Branch of Punjab Police, Col (retd) Ehsanul Haq, finally broke his silence on Friday and said that neither he nor his subordinates had authored a report about a plot to assassinate Lahore High Court Chief Justice Khwaja Mohammad Sharif.

“I have nothing to do with this report. The report that appeared in a local newspaper is not that of the special branch. My department did not issue any such report,” Col Ehsan said while talking to Dawn.

This did not stop Jang from continuing to peddle the conspiracy theory, however. Instead, they changed the byline from Ansar Abbasi to Sohail Khan and published the article titled, “CJs express concern over judges security; threats from administration

Finally, even the Supreme Court has seen that Jang Group has gone too far by making patently false accusations and requested them to immediately and prominently admit their fault.

Despite Ansar Abbasi’s insistence that he received the report from a reliable (anonymous) source, why did he not verify the authenticity of the report with the Special Branch before he wrote his article? Why did he not consider the very common sense questions that are mentioned above and call into question the validity of the report? Was it because the story fit a particular political agenda that he, or his employers at Jang Group are trying to promote?

If Col Ehsan from Special Branch is correct in his claims that he is being pressured by political operatives in Punjab to produce a report that accuses PPP officials, is this not the actual news story?

[Col Ehsan], however, appeared to be under immense pressure because sources say that the Punjab government wants him to give a statement of its liking.

The “so-called” special branch report which does not even have the signature of any official or seal claims that three PPP personalities – a federal minister, a federal government’s nominee in Punjab and a PPP Punjab office-bearer – has planned to assassinate Justice Khwaja Sharif.

Why has this angle been ignored by Jang reporters? As in the past, we are forced to ask whether Jang has stopped being a legitimate news source, choosing instead to work in political propaganda.

This story is more important than simply one misleading headline. It raises serious questions about the believability of all news items reported by Jang Group’s media companies, particularly by reporters such as Ansar Abbasi who have a long history of reporting questionable material with a specific political bias. The proper response for Jang Group is not to simply issue a headline clarification and continue to operate in the same manner.

Jang should immediately begin a public, internal investigation into this case to determine if its star reporter Ansar Abbasi took proper journalistic steps to verify the authenticity of his story, or whether he has acted outside his role as a journalist and begun performing the work of political propaganda. Until answers are provided for why this continues to be a problem at Jang, the validity of Jang’s reporting must be viewed with extreme skepticism.

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  1. SC clarification Monday, September 20, 2010 Shawwal 10, 1431 A.H. http://www.thenews.com.pk/20-09-2010/Top-Story/712.htm

    ISLAMABAD: Terming the headline —’CJs express concern over judges security; threats from admin’ — of a news report, regarding the security related meeting, that appeared in The News on Sunday as misleading, the Supreme Court office, in its press release issued here, has clarified the same as under: “It is clarified that the above-mentioned caption is misleading in so far as it gives the impression that the judges of the Superior Courts have direct clear threats from administrative officials, which is not the true reflection of the issue discussed in the above mentioned meeting nor the press release issued in this regard refers to any such threats. In fact, the meeting discussed the security related situation in view of the purported information ‘emanating from administrative authorities’ in relation to the alleged plot to target the Hon’ble Chief Justice of Lahore High Court as mentioned in the report of the Special Branch of the Government of Punjab.

    “Unfortunately, your above-mentioned captions portray the totally different message as if the Hon’ble judges of Superior Courts are being threatened by the administrative officials, which is not the case. It is expected that an appropriate clarification may please be published prominently, preferably at the same spot on the front pages of the two newspapers in order to set the record straight.”

  2. Shaheen Sehbai:) Again: Tuesday, September 21, 2010, Shawwal 11, 1431 A.H http://www.jang.com.pk/jang/sep2010-daily/21-09-2010/main2.htm

  3. and same Shaheen Sehbai’s Magazine when in Exile had filed this on MQM: Are the ‘No Go Areas’ a Recipe for Disaster in Sindh By Abdus Sattar Agha Issue No 17, Nov 11-17, 2002 | ISSN:1684-2075 | http://antisystemic.org/satribune/www.satribune.com/archives/nov11_17_02/P1_mqm.htm

    LONDON: MQM Leader Altaf Hussain’s announcement to wage a war against the establishment has surprised many political observers but the real secret deal under way between the MQM and the Musharraf Government is to accommodate Interior Minister Moinuddin Haider in the Senate on an MQM ticket.

    Mr Haider recently praised Altaf Hussain as a “very responsible leader” and the sudden attention being paid to the “No Go Areas” (NGAs) in Karachi has given rise to serious speculation that MQM was asking for its pound of flesh before it could consider any concession to the Musharraf regime.

    Analysts understand why General Musharraf did not say any thing about the NGAs earlier during the three years of his rule. He was in the army when his fellow generals decided to form the rival group of the MQM and fully supported them. Late COAS General Asif Nawaz had even publicly stated that if there could be 11 Muslim Leagues, why could not there be two MQMs.

    On 19 June 1992 the army brought the Haqiqi group to the urban areas of Karachi. Many
    MPAs and MNAs of the Altaf group were forced to change their loyalty and all this happened at a time when the army was present in the city and a crackdown against Altaf group was going on. It means that Musharraf must have been aware of the fact that there were certain NGAs but he did nothing about them.

    Even during the recent elections these areas were not abolished and Mutahida was denied entry into these areas. So, what has prompted Gen. Musharraf to give a statement in favor of
    MQM now. Some believe a secret deal has been struck.

    Analysts also believe that the MQM may again be used against the PPP if it comes into power.
    As the influence of the party has been reduced in many parts of Karachi, it is essential that Altaf Hussain’s group is provided a launching base for any powerful agitation against the government.

    According to another view point, MQM might be inducted into the new Sindh administration and for that it would have demanded entry into these NGAs.

    Others say the former members of the MQM Coordination Committee did not effectively raise the issue of NGAs which made Mr Altaf Hussain very angry. They mainly focused on ministries and privileges which annoyed Mr Hussain who dissolved the Committee.

    Yet another view is that Mr Hussain was exasperated over the defeat of the MQM in some areas and thought that he was not given accurate reports regarding the party position of those areas. MQM also no longer raises any popular slogan. It has already used the slogan of a separate province and provincial autonomy which became quite unpopular.

    Thus the NGAs are being used as a new slogan, according to this school of thought. Activists of the party were dejected when the party lost seats of national and provincial assemblies from Landhi and it is said that many workers of the party were now sure that Haqiqi could never be expelled from these NGAs so this issue had to be raised to enhance their morale and keep them involved.

    It is thought the workers of the NGAs are more active in the party than those of other areas and that is why it was important to demand MQM’s entry.

    Another analysis suggests that the threat to the establishment regarding the abolition of NGAs has been given to divert the attention of the party workers from the internal contradictions and
    differences of the party because on this issue the workers are more emotional than on any other issue. It is interesting to note that in past MQM has been a part of the government but it did not raise the issue of NGAs as vehemently as it is doing now.

    If after Ramadan the NGAs were not abolished then it would be clear that the slogan of its
    abolishment was raised to divert the attention of the people from the internal contradictions of the party. Mr Hussain has said that his party would abolish the NGAs itself if the establishment did not do so. This indicates that there could be bloodshed in the city and taking this as an excuse the establishment might resort to impose Governor’s Rule in the province where PPP would be in power.

    It may be mentioned that the first government of Benazir was destabilized by MQM following the operation of the Pakka Qila in Hyderabad. When the second Benazir government dissolved, she was blamed for extra judicial killings, though Nasirullah Babar, the incharge of the crackdown on MQM, had admitted that MI and other agencies helped him conduct the operation. So it is clear that with whose consent the extra judicial killings were carried out. But these killings were cited as one of the reasons for the dissolution of her government.

    If the MQM really tries to get the NGAs vacated, it may be a difficult task because most of
    the die-hard MQM activists had either been killed in fake police encounters or jailed. In the last five years the party has also expelled many militants like Kala Shafiq of New Karachi and many others besides suspending workers like Javed Shahpuri of the Liaquatabad.

    This, however does not mean that the MQM has no die hard activists. There are still many who are ready to obey Altaf Bhai. If the party tries to enter those areas, there will be great bloodshed which might pave the way for the army government to impose extra constitutional rule on the province or even the country on the one hand and start a crackdown against the party on the other.

    Altaf Hussain‘s warning to those who were trying to create the forward block in the MQM indicates that there are severe differences within the party and the decision to dissolve the coordination committee has been delayed to see that how many people go with Dr. Imran
    Farooq. This is also an attempt to stop them from doing so.

    The dilemma is how to abolish the NGAs as they are protected by the agencies themselves. In the past all attempts to do so have failed. During Liaquat Jatoi’s government the activists of the MQM tried to enter these areas but they were resisted by the rival group while Police and Rangers remained either neutral or supported the rival Haqiqi group.

    The agencies do not want to abolish the NGAs because they are afraid that if the city is given back to MQM, they will go beyond the control of the agencies. These agencies may also try to
    play games with the MQM. They may ask Mutahida to let Haqiqi work in other parts of Karachi which would be impossible for MQM to accept. It is believed that during the recent elections this offer was made by the Haqiqi and the government which was turned down by Mutahida

    Altaf Hussain has also asked the members of the Coordination Committee to sit at the Khurshid Memorial Hall (named after Mr Hussain’s mother) during his speech. It is thought that this announcement was made so that the loyal workers of Mr Hussain could keep an eye on the
    activities of his members.

    The hall has big rooms and is dominated by the APMSO and Labour division of the party who are very loyal to party chief. Altaf’s control on the party is still very firm and sources said that party activists were of the opinion that no body could take the place of the party chief.

    Earlier Dr Imran Farooq was in direct contact with the sector in charges but now they are all in direct contact with the party chief or his loyalists.

  4. and same Shaheen Sehbai’s Magazine when in Exile had filed this on MQM: Is the Army sincere with Altaf Bhai’s MQM? By Abdul Sattar Issue No 19, Nov 25-Dec 1, 2002 | ISSN:1684-2075 | http://antisystemic.org/satribune/www.satribune.com/archives/nov25_dec1_02/P1_mqmstory.htm

    KARACHI: What is going on in Karachi’s No-Go Areas is a mystery known only to the secret agencies of General Pervez Musharraf. Apparently the Army is trying to appease Altaf Hussain’s MQM by hitting out at the MQM Haqiqi Group but in reality the agencies do not want to hurt their own creation.

    This has led to a stand off between the new Government of Mir Zafrullah Khan Jamali and Altaf Bhai who withdrew his candidate for a cabinet seat at the last minute. Attacks on Dr. Farooq Sattar while taking over an office in the No Go Area of Landhi further compounded the situation for the administration.

    What has been going on is like a scene of a suspense thriller. After the vociferous demands of MQM Chief Altaf Hussain regarding elimination of these NGAs, President Musharraf gave a statement in favor of MQM and reportedly ordered abolition of all these areas.

    But subsequent statements of his Interior Minister Moinuddin Haider and Information Minister Nisar Memon indicated that Pakistani agencies were still divided over the issue. Both these ministers said there were no NGAs in Karachi and it was a dispute between the two groups of MQM. Their statements gave the first clue that the most powerful agencies of the government were not in favour of abolishing the NGAs.

    On November 18 Altaf Bhai decided to support the PML(Q) on the assurance that the government would abolish the NGAs. Next day government started the crackdown on the Haqiqi group. Its sector and unit offices were sealed and its leaders including Afaq Ahmed and Amir Khan were besieged in the party head office Baitul Humza.

    But Altaf Bhai got alerted when both Afaq, Amir and other leaders managed to escape, despite the heavy presence of the Rangers and police. They even held a telephonic press conference. On Nov 20 the activists of Mutahida reached Landhi along with Dr. Farooq Sattar, Nasreen Jalil, Abdul Qadir Lakhani and other leaders of the party and tried to take over the head office of the Haqiqi. They were attacked and the female activists of Haqiqi manhandled Nasreen Jalil. Altaf Bhai’s men managed to occupy only three units of Landhi and six others stayed under the control of Haqiqi who were heavily armed despite the presence of police and law enforcement agencies.

    If one compares this operation with that launched against the Altaf Group on June19, 1992, it was clear that the agencies did not want to eliminate the Haqiqi Group. In 1992 when the operation against the Altaf Group started, activists of Haqiqi came along with Pakistan Army and the troops not only allowed Haqiqi activists to torture activists of Altaf Group but some of them were killed right in front of these troops.

    Those killed included the brother of Haroon Siddiqi, a former Altaf Group MPA who was shot in Unit 83. The army arrested every one. But in the current operation the attitude of the police and Rangers was totally different.

    When the Rangers besieged Baitul Hamza, Afaq Ahmed and other leaders of the party were inside it. The Rangers did not allow police to get near the Head office of the Haqiqi, thus deliberately delaying the arrest of Afaq.

    Haqiqi leaders claimed that 300 of its workers had been arrested but not a single prominent leader was named. Most of those arrested were youngsters and students of Matric or 9th class. The Haqiqi Group had close relations with the agencies and an army picket had been established near their head office for a long time, manned by the Rangers. That is why the Rangers were reluctant to arrest leaders of the Group.

    Most of the activists of Haqiqi were armed and present at Landhi No 6, 5,3,4 and 5.5 locations but the police did not try to disarm them. The activists of the Mutahida were also armed but not as heavily as that of Haqiqi. They were present at Babar markets and two other units in Landhi. In Malir, Shah Faisal, Lines Area and Liaqautabad the Haqiqi workers were heavily armed and Mutahida was to face a stiff resistance if they tried to penetrate. Police and Rangers were simply watching as silent spectators and doing nothing to disarm the group.

    Basically the agencies wanted to convey a message to the government that if these areas were opened to Mutahida there would be serious bloodshed and on this pretext they might discontinue the operation against the NGAs.

    On Nov 22 an activist of the Haqiqi was fired upon in 2 B Sector of Landhi. He died on the same day. Following his death tension gripped Landhi and the office of Mutahida at Korangi No1 was attacked leaving four people injured. This happened in the heavy presence of the Rangers and police.

    On Nov 22 female activists of the Haqiqi demonstrated in front of the Governor House in Karachi. They were armed with sticks and injured some police officials and tried to capture an armored carrier vehicle of the police. They remained there for over 100 minutes shouting slogans against the government. Interestingly the police did not turn violent giving yet another signal that the operation against Haqiqi was not going to be severe.

    On Nov 21 an evening Urdu newspaper in Karachi published a report quoting the agencies in which they feared that a bloodbath may occur as both groups of the MQM were amassing weapons and trying to prepare for pitched battles against each other. The same newspaper published a report about the formation of Mohajir National Front, to be led by ousted Secretary General Dr. Imran Farooq. This was interpreted as a psychological tactic of the agencies. It seems that they want to divide the Altaf Group into as many groups as possible, like the Jeay Sindh.

    There are also conflicting views about the crackdown. Some people think that the government wanted the support of Altaf Group for Mr. Jamali and now that he has got through the new regime may not honor the secret deal reached between the establishment and Altaf Bhai.
    Haqiqi chief Afaq Ahmed’s statement also bolstered this view as he said after the election of the PM, the situation would change. Another view is that the agencies would keep both the groups in the NGAs so that the presence of Rangers and interference of the federal government agencies could be justified.

    Analysts believe if the government would use the Haqiqi against the Mutahida, Altaf Bhai will not completely cooperate with the PML(Q), thus threatening to bring down Mr. Jamali. Others believe the MQM wants the chief ministership of the Sindh and it seems firm in doing so.

  5. Jang Group’s Petition against Nawaz Sharif.
    http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2010/02/jang-groups-petition-against-nawaz.html

  6. Jang Group of Newspapers, GEO TV, Salim Safi, Shaheen Sehbai, Rauf Klasra and Ansar Abbasi should be ashamed of themselves before filing a Cock and Bull Table Story of Secret Cell and State Funded APP Journalists because it was the Jang Group of Newspapers which statrted giving undue attention to Brigadier (R) Imtiaz since July 2009. REFERENCE: The return of the Daylight Jackals By Shaheen Sehbai with reporting from Mazhar Tufail and Ahmed Noorani Friday, September 04, 2009 Brigadier (R) Imtiaz & Confusion of Jang Group of Newspapers.
    http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2009/11/brigadier-r-imtiaz-confusion-of-jang.html

  7. I say it is a complete and total fabrication put out by you to bring out that bustard Brig Billa back into the limelight and present that lowest of lowlifes as a hero of sorts. Dazed and Confused: Rauf Klasra, Ansar Abbasi & Brigadier (R) Imtiaz. http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2009/09/dazed-and-confused-rauf-klasra-ansar.html

  8. Jang Group of Newspapers, GEO TV, Salim Safi, Shaheen Sehbai, Rauf Klasra and Ansar Abbasi should be ashamed of theirselves before filing a Cock and Bull Table Story of Secret Cell and State Funded APP Journalists because it was the Jang Group of Newspapers which statrted giving undue attention to Brigadier (R) Imtiaz since July 2009.
    Intellectually Bankrupt: Shaheen Sehbai & Secret Cell in President House! http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2009/09/intellectually-bankrupt-shaheen-sehbai.html

  9. Swinging Pendulum of Kamran Khan and PML – N
    Tuesday, September 21, 2010, Shawwal 11, 1431 A.H
    http://www.jang.com.pk/jang/sep2010-daily/21-09-2010/main3.htm

  10. Way back in 90s the same “Kamran Khan with his Swinging Pendulum” NRO/Jang Group: Kamran Khan, Nawaz Sharif & Ethnic Hatred. http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2010/01/nrojang-group-kamran-khan-nawaz-sharif.html

    I wonder why our Esteemed Journalist Kamran Khan used to suffer from acute Inferiority Complex to name his feature as if its a section of US Central Intelligence Agency, he should have been proud of just quoting the story as Special Report. What the hell is News Intelligence Unit? There must be a difference between Special Branch Report and Newspaper Stories.

    “People who live in glass houses should not throw stones” reminds us that we should be careful how we treat other people (with our words and actions) because we can all be easily hurt. People “throw stones” at other people to try to hurt them, and one way that people try to hurt other people is by saying bad things about them. If you lived in a “glass house” it would be very easy for other people to hurt you by throwing stones at you. “People who live in glass houses should not throw stones” means that we should not say insulting things to other people because they could easily do the same thing to us. Judge Not Lest Ye Be Judged! and Let He Who is Without Sin Cast the First Stone.

    Defending himself against the allegations of the federal minister for labour and manpower, Kamran Khan, the host of the Geo programme ‘Aaj Kamran Kay Sath’, said that they have been exposing corruption in the regime of Pervez Musharraf and an appreciation letter of Benazir Bhutto on his investigative reports is an asset for him. Kamran Khan said that during the dictatorial regime and a decade before that when there was democracy in the country, they were doing the same. Addressing Khurshid Shah, he said that in view of the importance of his investigative reports, Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto had addressed a press conference in a five-star hotel of Karachi to highlight the reports that were quoted in arguments against the cases that were instituted against Benazir Bhutto and her spouse Asif Zardari in Pakistan as well as abroad. REFERENCE: Anti-corruption reports to appear at all costs: Kamran Khan Thursday, August 13, 2009

    Now read the same Mr Kamran Khan was more than jubilant when Farooq Laghari [President of Pakistan from 1993 – 1997] sacked Late. Benazir Bhutto’s second government on trumped-up charges and analyze the report above filed by Mr. Kamran Khan in 2009 in The News International and read as to what Mr Kamran Khan had filed on The Washington Post Thursday, November 7, 1996.

    “QUOTE”

    KARACHI, PAKISTAN, NOV. 5 (TUESDAY) — Pakistani President Farooq Leghari dismissed Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto early today and dissolved the National Assembly in a decree he said was mandated by corruption, political violence and financial mismanagement by Bhutto’s government. The president’s action, while legal under the constitution, was backed up by army troops who surrounded Bhutto’s house in Islamabad, the capital, as well as the parliament and radio and television stations in major cities. The country’s airports were closed. Bhutto, 43, who was elected prime minister in 1993, was reported to be in her residence but not under formal detention. The decree, which marked the second time that Bhutto has been dismissed from the prime minister’s office on charges of corruption, delivered a new blow to Pakistan’s faltering democracy. Under relentless pressure from the military, no elected Pakistani prime minister has finished a full term in office, and Bhutto’s predecessor, Nawaz Sharif, was forced to resign. Bhutto’s dismissal came amid a bitter political struggle with the Supreme Court, which recently thwarted her attempt to appoint political loyalists as judges by ruling that judicial appointments are the prerogative of the president. Bhutto also was haunted by charges that she and her husband, Asif Ali Zardari, had collected bribes and kickbacks on government contracts and transferred the millions of dollars into foreign bank accounts and property holdings. Well-placed officials said that in August, the army had warned Leghari about growing unrest in its ranks and had provided him with evidence about corruption involving Zardari. An official said Zardari and about 20 other party members had been arrested. Bhutto denied the charges against her and as recently as Sunday vowed to complete her five-year term, saying, “We cannot imagine {Leghari} using his powers to dismiss the government.” This morning her spokesman, Farhatullah Babar, said Bhutto had received a letter from the president at her home in Islamabad and would comment later in the day. Bhutto’s first stint in office, which began when she was appointed prime minister in 1988, lasted just two years and was, like the term that was ended today, marked by allegations of corruption. Her husband and father were accused of orchestrating improper deals involving government-owned land, and she was faulted for clashes with military leaders and for inaction in the face of civil strife in her home state, Sindh. REFERENCE: Bhutto Out as Premier in Pakistan President Charges Corruption, Dissolves National Assembly By Kamran Khan Special to The Washington Post Thursday, November 7, 1996

    And the same Kamran Khan in 2009!!!

    As per an “Allegedly Famous Investigative GEO TV Program” Aaj Kamran Khan Kay Saath –24 th November 2009 , Mr. Kamran Khan, Senior Correspondent for GEO TV/THE NEWS INTERNATIONAL & Daily Jang, continuously insisted while discussing NRO with Wajid Shamsul Hasan [Pakistan’s High Commissioner to the United Kingdom] that corruption cases registered against Asif Ali Zardari for were genuine and Senator Saifur Rehman [Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz – & Former Undeclared Adivosr to General Musharraf] really and genuinely worked hard on these cases. What a shame for The Jang Group of Newspapers which was ruthlessly persecuted by the same Senator Saifur Rehman during 1999 and more shameful is this that the same Kamran Khan and Jang Group of Newspaper had filed stories after stories against Senator Saifur Rehman’s Corruption and Violation of Rules and Law regarding Press Freedom. REFERENCE: REFERENCE: Conspiracy: Kamran Khan, Farooq Laghari, Sajjad Mir, Saifur Rehman & Media Trial of PPP.

    Former Senator Saifur Rehman [PML – Nawaz] during 1996-1997, in connivance with the then President Farooq Ahmed Khan Laghari, Kamran Khan [The News International] and Sajjad Mir [the then Editor of Daily Nawa-e-Waqt and nowadays a TV Anchor in Pakistani Private TV Channel NEWSONE AND TVONE] had a conducted detailed Media Trial of Benazir Bhutto and Asif Ali Zardari [while their cases were pending in the Court of Law]. The most funny thing is that Mr Sajjad Mir played the part of TV Anchor on Pakistan Televison Network and his guest was Kamran Khan revealing the detail of Benazir Bhutto and Asif Ali Zardari. REFERENCE: Conspiracy: Kamran Khan, Farooq Laghari, Sajjad Mir, Saifur Rehman & Media Trial of PPP.

    Tragically Mr Kamran Khan has played this “Game” with every Democratically Elected Government even at the cost of Ethnic Hatred. This Ethnic Card of Punjab used against the government of Mr Nawaz Sharif and his government during his second tenure [1997 – 1999]

    “QUOTE”

    KARACHI: Less than four dozen individuals from Central Punjab, who had either lived or served in Lahore in the past 15 years, are currently holding the country’s 41 most important official assignments — a situation that is bound to aggravate the prevailing sense of deprivation not only in the three smaller provinces but also in Southern Punjab, according to an investigation by the News Intelligence Unit (NIU). The situation took a delicate turn late on Monday night when Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif stunned the federal cabinet by announcing that he had decided to nominate the former Supreme Court judge and a known Sharif family friend, Mr Justice (retd) Rafiq Ahmed Tarar, as the president of Pakistan. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif took the decision to appoint a Central Punjabi president against strong recommendations from his cabinet members, parliamentary party members and even his younger brother, Shahbaz Sharif, urging him to pick a presidential candidate from smaller provinces, the sources said. The NIU investigation found that before Senator Tarar’s nomination as the president, at least 41 individuals — mostly with permanent residences in Lahore — were holding almost all of the, what an independent observer labelled as, “make-or-break appointments” in the country. The NIU study showed that though all of these appointments were not made by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, but under his nine-month-old administration the domination and influence of Central Punjabis over the government departments multiplied manifold. With the election of Justice Rafiq Tarar as the president of Pakistan by the end of this month, the country would have a Lahore-based president, prime minister and chairman Senate. Although Justice Tarar hails from Wazirabad near Lahore, he has lived most of his life in Lahore and is believed to be a personal friend and constitutional and legal adviser to the Sharif family. Both Nawaz Sharif and Wasim Sajjad have lived their personal and professional lives in Lahore, where their families are permanently settled.

    Seniority, merit and professionalism may have been the criterion, but the fact remains that all three present services chiefs incidentally have Central Punjab background. The present Chief of Naval Staff, Admiral Fasih Bukhari, and Chief of Air Staff Air Chief Marshal P Q Mehdi had been appointed by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, while Chief of Army Staff General Jehangir Karamat was selected by President Farooq Ahmed Leghari. The present government handed dual charge of Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee to Gen Karamat. When Nawaz assumed the charge of the prime minister in February this year, each and every member of his personal team at the Prime Minister’s Office had a Central Punjab, particularly Lahore, background. He appointed seasoned civil servant and a scion of a known Lahore family, A K Z Sherdil, as his principal secretary. Because of his Lahore background, Sherdil was personally known to Saifur Rahman Khan, who had initially suggested his name to the prime minister. Even before Sherdil’s appointment, Nawaz had decided to appoint another former civil servant, Anwer Zahid, as his special assistant. The Lahore-based Anwer Zahid was the principal secretary to the prime minister during Nawaz’s first tenure. Closest in Nawaz Sharif’s personal team at the Prime Minister’s Secretariat was, and still is, Saifur Rahman Khan — the chief of Ehtesab Cell. Saifur Rahman like Sherdil and Anwer Zahid, cherished his Lahore background. “The prime minister feels very comfortable with Sherdil, Zahid and Saif. They speak his mind and the language,” noted an informed official. The prime minister not only favoured the individuals with Lahore background for top positions of his office, he invited the people with similar background even for mid-level posts in his personal setup. He appointed Rauf Chaudhry and Khayyam Qaiser as his personal staff officers and Qamaruzzaman as his personal secretary. These three personal staff members, like other senior aides in the Prime Minister’s Office, have strong Central Punjab background. They not only manage the prime minister’s days and weeks, but also serve as his eyes and ears.

    Similarly, his Press Secretary Siddiqul Farooq has always lived and worked in Lahore and Central Punjab with no work experience in smaller provinces. The prime minister appointed another old Lahore hand and a former Ittefaq Group employee, Major General Sikander Hayat, as chief of the Prime Minister’s Monitoring and Evaluation Cell. He appointed Colonel (retd) Mushtaq Taher Kheli, an individual of similar background, as his political secretary. With the accountability placed at the top of his priority list, Nawaz Sharif decided to operate through his most-trusted Lahore aides. While Senator Saifur Rahman was placed at the driving seat, Nawaz decided to continue with Justice (retd) Ghulam Mujaddid Mirza, another famous Lahorite, as the chief Ehtesab commissioner. He appointed another Central Punjab PML leader Mumtaz Ahmed Tarrar as the chief of Ehtesab Council. Not surprisingly, officials and politicians wanted or arrested in corruption cases from Punjab escaped the net laid by the much-dreaded Ehtesab Cell, while those arrested from Sindh faced a totally different situation. For instance, under extremely intriguing condition a corruption case registered against former RECP chairman Kabir Sheikh, a Lahore-based official, was hurriedly withdrawn. Under identical circumstances, the corruption charges against former petroleum secretary Capt Naseer Ahmed had been withdrawn.

    While appointing the federal cabinet, Nawaz Sharif, once more, preferred his trusted Lahore and Central Punjab associates for important cabinet assignments such as commerce. Senior official sources conceded in their background interviews that because of his extreme closeness with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, Ishaq Dar’s influence reaches frequently the decision-making levels in the Ministry of Finance. Because of his Lahore and Model Town connections, Ishaq Dar has emerged as the prime minister’s most trusted aide in the federal cabinet. Dar’s closeness with the prime minister can be gauged by the fact that it was he and Saifur Rahman who had negotiated and finalised the power-sharing agreement with the MQM. No PML member from Sindh was included in the team that had negotiated with the MQM after the change of government in February this year. Other Central Punjab PML parliamentarians who received important cabinet slots included Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan (Petroleum), Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain (Interior), Mushahid Hussain (Information), Shaikh Rashid Ahmed (Labour and Culture), Begum Abida Hussain (Population Welfare), Raja Nadir Pervaiz (Water and Power), and Khalid Anwar (Law). Surprisingly, the entire national security team that is reporting to the prime minister on important security matters also has the similar Central Punjab background.

    The present director generals of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), Intelligence Bureau (IB) and the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) shared this common background. Chaudhry Manzoor Ahmed and Major General (retd) Enayat Niazi had been appointed as the IB director general and the FIA director general, respectively by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, while Lt Gen Nasim Rana had been appointed as the ISI director general by the Benazir Bhutto government. Smaller provinces were completely ignored over Central Punjab when Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif decided to appoint members of his party as heads of various government and public sector organisations. He appointed 37-year-old Shahid Khaqqan Abbasi, MNA from Murree, as the PIAC chairman and picked Khawaja Asif to head the Privatisation Commission. Similarly, Humayun Akhter Khan, the MNA from his home town Lahore, was appointed as the chief of Board of Investment (BoI). When it came to the appointment of the attorney general of Pakistan, the prime minister once again preferred a candidate from Lahore. Sources said that before his appointment as the Attorney General, Chaudhry Muhammad Farooq had long served the Sharif family in their business and family matters.

    While selecting the team of bureaucrats for his government, the prime minister apparently decided not to disturb the officials with Lahore or Central Punjab background, notwithstanding the fact that they had been appointed by President Farooq Leghari during the caretaker set-up. In a policy decision, the prime minister decided to continue with Dr Muhammad Yaqub as the governor of State Bank of Pakistan, absolving him of his responsibility in the collapse of banking and DFI sector in Pakistan in the past four years. Similarly, he also decided to continue with Chaudhry Moeen Afzal as the secretary of finance and Hafizullah Ishaq as the chairman Board of Revenue — both gentlemen had a Central Punjab background. The prime minister also appeared comfortable with Afzal Kahut as the establishment secretary and Mian Tayyab Hussain as the cabinet secretary.

    The Central Punjab criteria apparently played a significant role as he appointed secretaries to some of the important ministries, for example he selected Mian Iqbal Fareed as the secretary commerce, Mehar Jivan Khan as the interior secretary and Gulfaraz Ahmed as the secretary in the Ministry of Petroleum. The Central Punjab may not exactly be the reason behind the appointment of Lt Gen (retd) Chaudhry Iftikhar Ali Khan as the secretary defence, but it may be the first time that no one from a smaller province is attached to any significant position in the entire Ministry of Defence. Like in Justice (retd) Rafiq Tarar’s case, most observers do not dispute the fact that many of the Central Punjab bureaucrats or politicians given important tasks in the government by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif enjoy good reputation, but they do not believe that the smaller provinces cannot offer individuals with similar reputation and competence. These observers felt that to give a truly national look to his government, particularly after the election of Justice Tarrar as the president, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif would have to go an extra-mile to neutralise the impression of his being the Central Punjab government. REFERENCE:Central Punjab holds 41 key posts – Disparity may deepen deprivation in smaller provinces – News Intelligence Unit By Kamran Khan The NEWS International, Karachi December 17, 1997

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    KARACHI: The government appeared locked in a difficult situation over the Najam Sethi case on Thursday as its intelligence agencies failed to produce any evidence that may even remotely establish Najam Sethi`s links with Indian secret services. The News Intelligence Unit (NIU) understands that confusion and anxiety in top government circles over the Najam Sethi case was growing rapidly as the General Headquarters (GHQ) independently determined that there was no reason to constitute a Field General Court Martial (FGCM) to try the detained journalist under the Army Act. Sources said the government had approached the GHQ to order Najam Sethi`s court martial under the Army Act. Army`s Judge Advocate General (JAG) branch has already prepared its response to the government`s position taken before a Lahore High Court judge on Wednesday. In the past, on a very few occasions civilians directly involved in espionage activities had been court-martialled under the Army Act that almost exclusively governs the activities of army or ex-army personnel.

    Sources told the NIU that the government`s apparent failure in building a solid anti-state case against Najam Sethi and Army`s decision not to lock horn with the Press might soon result in Sethi`s sudden release from the official captivity. There was a perception in the government circles that a final decision on Sethi`s case would be taken on the prime minister`s return from Singapore at the weekend. Fakhruddin G Ibrahim, a noted lawyer and former federal law minister, told the NIU that if tried under the Army Act by an FGCM, Najam Sethi would be the first Pakistani journalist to face court martial under an elected civilian government. For its part, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) that had questioned Sethi for at least four days at one of its safe houses in Islamabad has concluded and reported both to Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and Chief of the Army Staff General Pervez Musharraf that its interrogation with Najam Sethi has not confirmed any connection between the detained journalist and Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) or any other Indian official or agencies. From their records also the intelligence agencies have not been able to dig anything that may help confirm the government`s projected image of an Indian agent for Najam Sethi, according to reliable security sources. Ranking officials told the NIU the ISI was brought into the picture in the Najam Sethi case through an executive verbal order on Sunday when the ISI high command was ordered to take Sethi`s custody from the Intelligence Bureau and have him interrogated to probe his alleged ties with the Indian security establishment.

    Sources said a joint team of IB and Lahore police had first arrested Sethi from his residence where he was severely beaten before being bundled into an IB vehicle. The Lahore operation, the sources said, was supervised by a senior Lahore-based IB official. In the recent months it was the IB that was repeatedly cited for chasing journalists; tapping their phones; placing threatening calls; raiding their residences and offices and abducting journalists. The organisation played an identical role under the PPP government, when the journalists were routinely targeted. Sources said soon after receiving Najam Sethi from the IB, the ISI high command noted, with some degree of surprise, that the agency`s name was extensively publicised in numerous government`s statements. Like all intelligence agencies, the ISI also hates to get mentioned in the media.

    The ISI got into the focus of the Sethi controversy as two statements from an unidentified government spokesman, another two statements from the interior and parliamentary affairs ministries and a statement from the governor of Punjab identified ISI as the agency that was grilling The Friday Times editor. “The situation rang a bell at the GHQ when the COAS was told that the situation might pitch the entire journalist community and international opinion against the Army as the ISI is mainly run by the active service army officers,“ said an official who added the situation warranted some urgent measures as the Army did not want to be a party in the case. Though the ISI has dealt extensively with the activities of journalists in Pakistan and abroad but rarely before it had received such a limelight. The ISI works under the Ministry of Defence and it takes orders directly from the prime minister. A former ISI official said the agency`s role regarding journalists largely covers the national security angle, and it has never obliged the successive political governments over their orders that relate to the media.

    Background interviews with informed officials and ruling PML politicians by the NIU to find out the actual reasons behind this latest crackdown on the journalists have provided an interesting answer. Informed sources said in recent months Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif had been led to believe by a few of his “closest associates“ that in order to settle scores with his administration over the Hubco/Kapco issue, the British security establishment had launched a secret drive to destabilise his government. Britain`s National Power has large stakes in Hubco and Kapco power generation projects. Both projects were the main Ehtesab Bureau targets for its probe into IPPs with Chairman Ehtesab Bureau Senator Saifur Rehman Khan claiming that the British sponsors of those projects paid at least $ 400 million to Benazir Bhutto and Asif Ali Zardari in kickbacks and commission, a charge often rejected by both companies.

    These sources said that the prime minister had also been warned that if the “conspiracy and its perpetrators“ were not crushed on a war-footing, it might lead to an overthrow of his government. Without producing any solid evidence, Nawaz Sharif had also been told that the stories in the British print media against corruption in his government were part of the same conspiracy and the coming BBC documentary would serve as a major leap in bringing his government into international disrepute. Conspiracy theorists in the government had also impressed upon the prime minister that a decree passed by the London High Court against his family for the payment of $32 million to Al-Towfeek Investment Limited was also linked to the same British plot, and a dramatic action against his family interests in London was expected soon. The London High Court had passed an ex-parte decision against the Sharif family in March last when they refused to contest the Al-Towfeek case in London challenging the jurisdiction of London High Court. Prime Minister`s family has also been advised against visiting Britain in the near future. Those who had floated the weird conspiracy theory thought that any BBC documentary on the alleged corrupt practices of the rulers would be part of the same British plot so it was decided to confront all those who had assisted in any form the BBC news crew. Najam Sethi made a strategic blunder when the delivered a hard-hitting anti-establishment speech in Delhi, only a few days after participating in the BBC documentary on Nawaz Sharif.

    Officials acknowledged that Najam Sethi`s statement before a select Indian audience in Delhi had generated an uneasy feeling in the country`s top military echelon as they received extremely negative reports on his speech through their own representatives at the Pakistan embassy in India. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif had received a similar report from Ambassador Ashraf Kazi. “What do you expect from services chiefs if they are told that a responsible Pakistani had spit venom against his own country on Indian soil,“ observed an official who thought that The Friday Times editor “definitely crossed line in Delhi and provided an ideal hit-back opportunity to his antagonists in the country“. Talking to the NIU Fakhruddin G Ibrahim and other senior lawyers expressed deep surprise over the government`s statement before the Lahore High Court on Wednesday wherein it was stated that Najam Sethi had been taken into custody under section 123-A of Pakistan Penal Code “for condemning the creation of the state and advocacy of abolition of its sovereignty“ and the Army had decided to take cognizance of his speech under the Army Act.

    The federal Law ministry in its opinion to the government had thought that in his speech at the India International Centre in Delhi on April 30 last Najam Sethi made remarks that violated section 123-A of PPC. What surprised the legal community in the country was the government`s decision to push for his court martial and not to try him in normal courts under normal laws. Even the best of government loyalists in their private conversations conceded that Sethi was being punished for The Friday Times` extremely adversarial editorial stance against the government. “It hurts most when a close friend turns into a foe,“ said a close associate of the prime minister who recalled several anecdotes to establish that both Najam and his wife Jugnu once had fairly close relationship with the Sharifs. During the caretaker administration of Malik Meraj Khalid, The Friday Times and Najam Sethi who had joined the caretaker set-up as an adviser with the status of the minister consistently demanded a bi-partisan accountability before the elections — a position that might have irked the PML leadership. Picked by former president Farooq Ahmed Khan Leghari to become a member of his interim government, Najam and The Friday Times have always remained close to the former president. REFERENCE: Case against Sethi hits a dead end Army not ready to lock horns with Press News Intelligence Unit By Kamran Khan [AS QUOTED IN Chowk: Law Liberties Justice: The Dark Tower by Shandana Minhas May 10, 1999

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    ISLAMABAD: Within half an hour of his surreptitious climb to the post of the Chief of Army Staff on Tuesday afternoon, the former Inter-Services Intelligence chief, General Khawaja Ziauddin knew that the Army he was supposed to lead was not prepared to accept his command. The News Intelligence Unit (NIU) has gathered that all of Ziauddin`s phone calls to the Corps Commanders and the Chief of General Staff — placed from the Prime Minister`s House in Islamabad on Tuesday — drew a blank, a reaction that almost instantly drew down the curtains on former prime minister Nawaz Sharif`s second term in office. Debriefing sessions with detained aides of the Nawaz Sharif administration by security officials here have disclosed that the former ISI chief-led operation to stage an in-house coup in the Army was driven by his personal ambitions ignoring the actual situation on the ground. “Even a layman in Pakistan is aware that any operation of this sort can never be completed without the active support of the troops and commanders posted in the cities of Islamabad and Rawalpindi,“ an Army official commented. “It was foolish of the former prime minister not to be aware that his nominee for the Army chief didn`t have the key support of the 10 Corps and more specifically the 111 brigade,“ he added. It has now become clear that Lt. Gen. Ziauddin was the architect of the secret operation that envisioned the official announcement of his promotion to the post of COAS once Gen Pervez Musharraf boarded PIA Flight PK 805 in Colombo for a journey that severed his contact with the GHQ for a good 200 minutes. It was also Lt. Gen. Ziauddin who, along with the former principal secretary Saeed Mehdi, had suggested to Nawaz Sharif that General Pervez Musharraf`s plane must not be allowed to land at Karachi so that he could be arrested at any other less busy airports in Sindh.

    Sources said that Ziauddin had assured Sharif that he would gain the full command of the Army much before the landing of General Pervez Musharraf`s plane at Karachi airport, a dream that suddenly transformed itself into Sharif and Ziauddin`s worst nightmare. Officials here believe that because of his family and, more particularly, his father`s old ties with Khawaja Ziauddin`s family, Sharif always wanted to appoint him to the coveted post of the COAS, but he couldn`t do that since he had ignored a senior-most three star general as General Jehangir Karamat`s replacement. Several close aides to Sharif had often conceded in the past that Gen Kuli Khan Khattak was ignored because Sharif was not comfortable with a Pathan general.

    Ziauddin, an officer from the Army`s Corps of Engineers, was one course junior to Gen. Ali Kuli Khan and Gen. Pervez Musharraf at the Pakistan Military Academy, but even before Karamat`s dramatic exit from the Army, Ziauddin had told his friends about the likelihood of his replacing Gen. Jehangir Karamat. Sources said that General Karamat had posted him as the Corps Commander, Gujranwala in response to a personal request from Sharif, who wanted to give him a fair chance at the time of Karamat`s retirement. Those who had close access to Sharif always contended that his decision to appoint Gen Musharraf was a stopgap arrangement between Gen. Karamat`s abrupt resignation and Ziauddin`s eventual appointment as the COAS. Ziauddin`s appointment as the ISI chief, minutes after Musharraf`s posting as the COAS, spoke volumes of Sharif`s bent of mind at the time. With the knowledge that doubts deliberately created about Musharraf`s tenure as the COAS would further deteriorate worsening relations between the Army and the former prime minister, Ziauddin using his position as the ISI chief nonetheless invented an intriguing conspiracy theory on the Kargil crisis and helped fuel misinformation that the Army leadership got Sharif trapped by launching the Kargil operation.

    During the Kargil crisis, Gen. Ziauddin`s exclusive briefing to the former prime minister almost always contradicted the GHQ`s version. “He was responsible for planting the seeds of intrigue on the Kargil issue in Sharif`s mind,“ according to a reliable official source. In his rash drive to convince Sharif that Musharraf`s removal as the COAS would ease tension with the Army, Ziauddin is believed to have also encouraged the former Intelligence Bureau chief Colonel (retd) Iqbal Niazi, to invent a variety of Army-backed threatening scenarios for Sharif, who apparently had an unlimited appetite for stories that painted a highly negative picture of Musharraf and the corps commanders considered close to the COAS. Khawaja Ziauddin`s desperation to please Nawaz Sharif became evident on the first day of his appointment as the ISI chief when he readily confirmed a police-doctored version about the culprits allegedly involved in the ghastly murder of Hakim Mohammad Said. On Ziauddin`s report, submitted without any independent verification, Sharif got an excuse to knock out the democratic set-up in Sindh, an act that later emerged as part of a well-engineered plot to make way for the installation of an exclusive PML-run unelected administration in Sindh. An independent Army probe later discovered that the Sindh Police`s version of the Hakim Said case, with a stamp of ISI confirmation from Gen. Ziauddin, was nothing but “a pack of lies.“ Neither Sharif nor Ziauddin, however, ever acknowledged the blunder.

    In another desperate attempt to please the former prime minister, Ziauddin ordered the illegal detention of Najam Sethi, the editor Friday Times, for more than two weeks. Despite the Army`s blunt refusal to initiate sedition or treason charges against Sethi, Ziauddin obliged Sharif and Saifur Rahman by keeping Sethi locked up for about 20 days. Sethi had been handed to Ziauddin`s ISI after being abducted by IB goons from his Lahore residence. Sources said Ziauddin agreed to hold Sethi in illegal detention in response to a single phone call from Saifur Rahman, who later also made Sharif speak to him on the subject. Reliable sources said that Ziauddin was also behind severe criticism of the Kargil crisis by at least two corps commanders, who later met Sharif in Ziauddin`s presence. These meetings were never reported to the COAS, who later reacted by removing both corps commanders from their posts. For Sharif, sources said, Ziauddin`s mission was to divide the corps commanders on ethnic and professional lines and to create an anti-Musharraf lobby amongst the corps commanders. “Since his appointment as the DG ISI, Ziauddin was playing a dangerous game that pitched his boss against the Army,“ observed a senior official. “His operation ultimately turned out to be hara kari (suicide).“ REFERENCE: Ambitious Ziauddin steered Nawaz to political disaster News Intelligence Unit By Kamran Khan [AS QUOTED IN Fears of a Military Coup in Pakistan Chowk P Room October 12, 1999

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  11. Shaheen Sehbai VS Mir Shakil ur Rahman on Daniel Pearl.
    http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2009/11/shaheen-sehbai-vs-mir-shakil-ur-rehman.html

    Mr. Shaheen Sehbai, Group Editor, The News International – Jang Group of Newspapers is very fond of quoting Foreign Press particularly when Foreign Press [Pro Zionist] is negative on President of Pakistan Asif Ali Zardari and PPP. Shaheen Sehbai while quoting The New York Times: “The problems in Afghanistan have only been compounded by the fragility of Mr. Obama’s partner in Pakistan, President Asif Ali Zardari, who is so weak that his government seems near collapse.” The Washington Post in a report by two correspondents said: “Zardari’s political weakness is an additional hazard for a new bilateral relationship…The administration expects Zardari’s position to continue to weaken, leaving him as a largely ceremonial president even if he manages to survive in office.” The report in The New York Times was filed by journalists Peter Baker, Eric Schmitt, David E Sanger, Elisabeth Bumiller and Sabrina Tavernise from Islamabad, Washington and New York while in the Washington Post Karen DeYoung from Washington and Pamela Constable from Islamabad contributed to its report. Both newspapers referred to President Zardari’s increasing weakness in the context of the new Afghan policy being prepared by President Obama, which will be announced on Dec 1. REFERENCE: Obama administration fears Zardari collapse WASHINGTON (Shaheen Sehbai)Updated at: 1525 PST, Monday, November 30, 2009

    Seven years ago Mr Shaheen Sehbai was also quoted in The New York Times as well his Editor in Chief i.e. Mir Shakil ur Rehman, and do note what Mir Shakil ur Rehman had to say about the Patriotism and Loyalty of Shaheen Sehbai with Pakistan.

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    ISLAMABAD, Pakistan, March 1 (Reuters) — The editor of a leading English-language daily said today that he had resigned, citing pressure from the government after the newspaper reported a link between the prime suspect in the killing of Daniel Pearl and an attack on India’s Parliament in December. India blamed Pakistan-based militant groups for the attack, but the Pakistani government denied any link. The editor who resigned, Shaheen Sehbai, said that after publication of the article in his paper, The News, the owner and editor in chief, Mir Shakeel ur-Rahman, was pressed by the government to dismiss him and three other journalists. ”I was told by my editor in chief that he had been asked to sack four journalists — myself, Kamran Khan, Amir Mateen and Rauf Klasra,” Mr. Sehabai said in an online interview. ”He did not name who had said that, but he told me to go and see the I.S.I.,” Pakistan’s intelligence service. REFERENCES: A NATION CHALLENGED: SUSPECTS; Kidnapping Suspect Bears Sign of Militancy Elsewhere By DOUGLAS JEHL Published: Saturday, March 2, 2002 Editor Forced to Resign

    The article, Mr. Rahman wrote in the letter dismissing Mr. Sehbai, ”was perceived to be damaging to our national interest and elicited severe reaction of the government.” He also accused Mr. Sehbai of violating standard procedures. Mr. Rahman and government officials were not immediately available for comment. Mr. Sehbai and one of the reporters, Mr. Klasra, have recently complained of harassment by intelligence agencies, a colleague said. While Pakistan’s news media enjoy relative freedom, some newspapers have been forced to remove staff members after complaints from the government or intelligence agencies. REFERENCES: A NATION CHALLENGED: SUSPECTS; Kidnapping Suspect Bears Sign of Militancy Elsewhere By DOUGLAS JEHL Published: Saturday, March 2, 2002 Editor Forced to Resign

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    SHAHEEN SEHBAI’S DOUBTFUL LOYALTY WITH PAKISTAN AND READ WHAT HE HAD SAID TO “The Times of India” ABOUT PAKISTAN ARMY AND ISI.

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    Exposing the Pakistani establishment’s links with terrorists can be a hazardous job. It cost Daniel Pearl his life, and Shaheen Sehbai, former editor of ‘The News’, a widely-read English daily in Pakistan his job. Fearing for his life, Sehbai is now in the US He speaks to Shobha John about the pressure on journalists from the powers-that-be in Pakistan:

    Q. Is it true you had to quit because a news report angered the government?

    A. On February 16, our Karachi reporter, Kamran Khan, filed a story quoting Omar Sheikh as saying that he was behind the attack on the Indian Parliament on December 13, the Kashmir assembly attack and other terrorist acts in India. Shortly after I am, I got a call on my cellphone from Ashfaq Gondal, the principal information officer of the government, telling me that the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) had intercepted the story and I should stop its publication. I told him I was not prepared to do so. He then called my newspaper group owner/editor-in-chief, Mir Shakil ur Rehman in London and asked him to stop the story. Rehman stopped it in the Jang, the sister newspaper in Urdu but could not do so in The News as I was unavailable. The next day, all editions of The News carried the story. It was also carried by The Washington Post and The International Herald Tribune the same day, as Kamran also reports for The Post. On February 18, all government advertising for the entire group was stopped. On February 22, Rehman rushed to Karachi and called a meeting at 10 p m. He told me the government was very angry at the story. He said he had been told to sack four journalists, including myself, if the ads were to be restored. He asked me to proceed to Islamabad to pacify the officials. Sham informed us that he had contacted the officials and was told by Anwar Mahmood, the information secretary that the matter was now beyond his capacity and we will have to see the ISI high-ups to resolve it. I was told to go and see the ISI chief in Islamabad and also to call Anwar Mahmood on Eid and improve my ‘public relations’ with him.

    I left the meeting with the firm resolve that I would neither call nor meet anyone, even at gunpoint. Sham, however, left for Islamabad to meet the officials. His meetings were unsuccessful. From my sources, I learned that the ISI and the government were not prepared to lift the ban unless I gave them specific assurances. If I refused, there may be trouble for me as the owner was already under pressure to fire me and the other three journalists. On February 27, I took a flight out of Karachi to New York. On February 28, I received a memo from my owner accusing me of policy violations. In reply, on March 1, I sent in my resignation.

    Q. Is the ISI still keeping a close watch on journalists after Daniel Pearl’s killing?

    A. The ISI has been a major player in domestic politics and continues to be so. That means it has to control the media and right now, it is actively involved in doing so. Pearl’s murder has given them more reasons to activate the national interest excuse.

    Q. Is there a sense of desperation within the Pakistan government that it should not be linked in any way to events in India?

    A. Yes. That’s why when our story quoted Omar Sheikh claiming such links, the government came down hard on us.

    Q. Has there been any pressure on the staff of ‘The News’ to ‘conform’?

    A. Yes. The News was under constant pressure to stop its aggressive reporting on the corruption of the present government. A few months back, Pakistan International Airlines stopped all ads to The News as we ran a couple of exposes. A major story on the government owned United Bank was blocked when we sought the official version. Intelligence agencies were deputed to tail our reporters in Islamabad.

    Q. This is not the first time you and your family have been under pressure, is it?

    A. I have been the target of physical attacks in the past too for stories against the government. The first was in August 1990 when I was arrested and detained for 36 hours and falsely charged for drinking, before a judge gave bail. The second time, in December 1991, three masked men broke into my house in Islamabad, ransacked it, pulled guns on my two sons, beat them up and told them, Tell your father to write against the government again and see what happens. In 1995, I was threatened once again and I had to take my entire family away. My newspaper then, Dawn, decided to post me to Washington as their correspondent. This time, I feared that I could be physically targeted again. So I decided to leave the country.

    Q. Is the present regime in Pakistan any different from earlier ones with regard to freedom of the press?

    A. It has tolerated some freedom under foreign pressure, but the situation is basically the same. Now Musharraf appears to be under pressure to manage the media more effectively in order to manage the October elections and get his supporters elected in the polls. He needs to legitimise his military rule through a political process, which essentially is being rigged from the beginning.

    Q. Is your case the first instance of a crackdown on the media by this government?

    A. This was the first case of a major financial squeeze on the country’s largest media group. It was followed by demands to sack me and other senior journalists and then to change the policy.

    Q. How independent will the forthcoming polls be now?

    A. They will be as independent as the recently-concluded local bodies polls in which candidates were named by the army and no one else was allowed to win. Candidates for state and national assemblies are now being pre-selected and influential politicians are being pressured, lured or coerced to join Musharrafs supporters.

    Q. What is the mood within the Pakistani media?

    A. The media is generally quiet and has fallen in line because Musharraf is getting strong support from the US and the West. But elements in the media are very resolute and they will fight back as soon as they see Musharraf losing his grip. The October polls will determine the role of the media as well because if Musharraf fails to ‘manage’ the elections, his control over the media will be finished.

    Q. What do you propose to do now?

    A. I will be writing out of Washington for some time and will return to Pakistan around the October polls. My days in Pakistan were very exciting as I maintained a completely independent editorial policy and pursued it to the last day. In the memos written by the owner, he repeatedly complains that I was not consulting him on policies. I had no need to, as he watches his own commercial interests. REFERENCE: The Daily Noose (Interview with Shaheen Sehbai) Publication: The Times of India Date: March 18, 2002

  12. GEO TV’s Tickers & Shaheen Sehbai incite MQM-PPP Clash.
    http://chagataikhan.blogspot.com/2010/01/geo-tvs-tickers-shaheen-sehbai-incite.html

  13. IJI style game plan Post Published: 22 September 2010 http://criticalppp.com/archives/23292

  14. The entire “news” report does not possess an element of substantiated
    fact that would allow for its preposterous conclusion. The motives
    listed for “killing” Justice Sharif are even more laughable. As it is
    not the way to get rid of him, he is already at the end of his term.
    PML(N) Govt cannot be discredited or embarrassed with such act as
    everyone knows CJ Sharif’s cordial relations and media sympathies with
    the Sharifs, and as usually every act of terrorism, the blame is
    shifted on the federal Govt, and federal Govt. will never dig their
    own grave.
    PPP Govt will never commit the mistake of imposing Governor’s Raj as
    they have learnt from their previous follies.
    In fact Sharifs and their counterparts in Judiciary and Lawyers will
    be benefited as it will be a blessing for them as they will get a
    “POLITICAL SHAHEED” for a new phase of destabilization and dragging
    through the mud campaign against the federal Govt.

  15. Establishment — the main target in current fiasco Wednesday, September 02, 2009 Politicians point finger at Army, ISI for debacles; all except the president are losers By Ansar Abbasi

    ISLAMABAD: No matter who has authored the script of the ongoing Brig Imtiaz tamasha, engulfing the political arena, the establishment that includes the military-led intelligence agencies and the Pakistan Army have emerged as the main villains, presumably as the authors of the fiasco wanted.

    Nawaz Sharif and his party are uncomfortable; demand for Musharraf’s trial has been sidetracked at least for the time being; the MQM gets into a position where it believes that its stand is vindicated but the Jinnahpur controversy also created an opportunity for its opponents for a much open criticism of the party and its policies; the issues like the scrapping of 17th Amendment have now become more complex with the two leading parties setting up for a political confrontation after the PML-N finds the Presidency behind the current smear campaign against its top leadership; however, President Asif Zardari is least affected by this recently started political wrangling. It rather has favoured him by temporarily silencing the guns that were targeting him and the government from all around for their alleged misrule, on charges of corruption, the sugar scandal and the reported ruining of the state institutions.

    The PML-N, which is badly hurt by the revelations about the alleged provision of Rs3.5 million to its party chief Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif by former ISI chief Lt-Gen (retd) Asad Durrani, is pointing its finger at the president to have been the architect of the get-Nawaz campaign. However, the Presidency has strongly refuted these charges but different presidential aides are issuing the kind of statements that apparently show the presidency is getting amused with the situation.

    However, what is interesting is the unanimity between all these warring political forces showing their abhorrence over the role of the establishment in country’s politics. But in a strange dichotomy except the PML-N, the other two major warring political forces — the PPP and the MQM — are not interested in proceeding against Gen (retd) Musharraf under Article 6 of the Constitution.

    As one scans through the debates that took place in different talk shows of various private television channels after the recent emergence of the Jinnahpur controversy, the establishment is found to be the target of all.

    The MQM, which had been the most trusted supporter of Gen Musharraf during his nine years rule, says that its Quaid Altaf Hussain is not returning to Pakistan because of the establishment. The PPP, too, said that the military operators and intelligences agencies have not been adhering to the command of the civilian governments whereas the PML-N is of the view that it has repeatedly found the establishment and Army chiefs overstretching their mandate.

    While appearing as a guest in one of the talk shows, PML-N information secretary Ahsan Iqbal has said it has been a harsh reality in Pakistan that policy decisions on some specific security and international issues have not been taken with the consultation or consent of the civilian government. He quoted the Kargil issue as one example and urged upon the need of rationalising the power structure in such a manner that no step could be taken against the wishes of the democratic government.

    He said the PML-N differed with former Army chief Gen (retd) Aslam Beg after he issued a statement on the Gulf war that did not match the government’s policy. He said similarly Gen (retd) Asif Nawaz exceeded from the mandate he was given before launching the military operation against criminals, dacoits and anti-social elements in Sindh in 1992. Another Army Chief Gen (retd) Jehangir Karamat, he said, was removed because of his statement on the setting up of National Security Council. He said the PML-N government differed with Gen (retd) Musharraf on the Kargil issue. Senior PML-N leader Khwaja Muhammad Asif was of the view that the military-led intelligence agencies have been extremely powerful and instrumental in the making and breaking of the government. On the issue of the military operation in Karachi and the target killings there, Khwaja Asif said the agencies were mainly responsible for that. He said in both the 1992-93 and 1995-96 operations in Karachi, these were the military intelligence agencies that had played the important role.

    Interestingly, it was Khwaja Asif, who admitted that had the agencies not been so powerful MQM Quaid Altaf Hussain would have now been in Pakistan. Khwaja Asif said Altaf Hussain’s apprehensions towards the intelligences agencies, are barring him to come back and lead his party, which according to the N-leader would serve the political culture better.

    Khwaja Asif also pointed out that the present situation in the tribal areas, Balochistan, Northern Areas and in Southern Punjab is also the outcome of what the agencies did during the last 20-22 years. The PML-N leaders have been distancing itself from the 1992 military operation against the MQM and insisted that it was the Army which had overstepped. In return, the MQM leaders, too, were mainly complaining to the PML-N and its leader Nawaz Sharif over his silence and the failure to stop the 1992 military operation against the MQM. MQM leader Haider Abbas Rizvi endorsed Khwaja’s views and said Hakim Saeed was killed by the agencies but the MQM was blamed for his murder. He lamented that the MQM workers were killed in an extra-judicial manner; military courts were created to try Muttahida workers, who were punished illegally and in violation of the Constitution through summary trials by these courts.

    Rizvi said in the 1992 operation what he called the Haqiqi terrorists were riding in military jeeps during the Army’s operation against the MQM. “It was all planted,” he said, and lamented the then-prime minister could not do anything to stop the operation.

    Wasim Akhtar, another MQM leader, said in one the private channel that it’s a pity that the largest political parties of the country are today still dependent on Army and America. Dr Nadeem Ahsan of the MQM said MQM workers do not want Altaf Hussain to come back. He said the MQM Chief’s life is facing threats from the enemies of Pakistan. When asked to name these enemies, he pointed to both internal and external forces. When further probed, Dr Nadeem Ahsan initially named the Taliban and later said, “There are some other forces too. You can also name establishment.” When asked if the MQM fears from the establishment, he said, “Yes”.

    PPP information secretary Fauzia Wahab, too, in a talkshow talked of the political influence of the ISI which, according to her, grew after the agencies exposure in the Afghan war against former Soviet Union. Wahab, who is generally considered as her master’s (President) voice, said during the Afghan war the ISI became very resourceful and developed new technologies, which the agencies has to use somewhere to prove its worth. Referring to the history and also finding it true in the present day Pakistan, she said one thing is clear that in Pakistan democracy never got strengthened and the civilian authority has never been maintained. She said in her view there does not exist any central authority. Fauzia Wahab also added the 1992 operation is the reflection of the fact that the military operators at that time were not ready to concede the supremacy of the civilian leadership.

    She, however, believed the military interventions can’t be stopped by hanging a dictator but by improving the performance of parliament and through the vision and greater assertion of the political leadership.

    Dr Firdous Aashiq Awan, another PPP leader, blamed the establishment for the PPP government’s “mistake” to launch operation in Karachi against the MQM in 1995-96.

  16. […] article. This changes the article in The News from a legitimate news source to a political attack. The News has already been corrected once by the Supreme Court for publishing inappropriate headlines. This practise needs to […]

  17. The politicians are at the mercy of the military and the military at the mercy of the USA. So the USA wants us to behave like mad mullahs we will have to do so, kill all joy, drinking. no dancing no discoing. No entertainment allowed. Ban all the ‘fahash gora’ cable channels, although they are the only ones people like to watch — nothing else not the chutia channels like Geo and others.

  18. […] implying that the judiciary was being threatened by administration authorities. Soon after, Jang Group suffered the embarrassment of having the Supreme Court request it to publish a correction…. Now, another blow to Ansar Abbasi and Jang’s credibility has been […]

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