Posts Tagged ‘Jang Group’

Jang Group’s So-Called “Experts”

Wednesday, March 21st, 2012

The News (Jang Group)When media groups report stories about complex topics, a common practise is to invite the comments of experts who can provide some clarification to intricate subjects that might be difficult for the common man to understand. The power that these experts has is immense as their word is taken as an authority on the topic and can shape the way we understand issues reported in the media. Because of this, responsible media groups will be very careful to only include commentary by objective, non-biased experts so that they are providing facts and not influencing opinions. In the case of Jang Group, a worrying trend is beginning to take shape.

Two recent stories in The News (Jang Group) include the statements of experts to give context to stories about complex issues. Tuesday’s paper includes a report by Ahmad Noorani about the Supreme Court’s order to the Prime Minister to write a letter requesting Switzerland open corruption cases against the President. According to Noorani, Barrister Aitzaz Ahsan’s reply to the court submitted on March 19 “is a simple and huge U-Turn, experts say”.Who are these experts that have termed Aitzaz Ahsan’s reply as a U-Turn? Nobody knows. They are neither named nor mentioned again in the report.

On Sunday, a report by Usman Manzoor quotes an expert economist rubbishing President Zardari’s speech to the joint sitting of parliament. This time, the reporter at least revealed the name of his expert – Dr Shahid Hassan Siddiqui. According to Dr Siddiqui, the president’s address “comprised nothing but false figures and a misrepresentation of facts regarding the economy”.

These are serious charges, so it is worth asking just who is this Dr Siddiqui. According to Manzoor, he is “a banker and economist of international repute”, but a more thorough search reveals that he is also The News‘s go-to economic hit-man against the government.

In October 2011, Ansar Abbasi quoted Dr Siddiqi extensively terming the government as “lying” about economics and bleeding the country through corruption. Ansar Abbasi quoted Dr Siddiqi again in December 2011 as saying “the overall economic situation of Pakistan under the present regime is the worst in the 64-year history of Pakistan”.

But let’s look at the reasons why this so-called “expert” is rubbishing the president’s claims this time.

Dr Shahid said that since 9/11, the remittances have been continuously increasing because of a ban on Hundi. He said that the government is asking no question on the influx of remittances; perhaps, it is a financial NRO because people loot the country’s wealth, send it abroad and then bring it back in the shape of remittances. He said that in 2007, remittances were $5.4%; in 2008 these were recorded at $6.4 and in 2011, it were 11.12%; as these keep on increasing, there was nothing to boast about, the economist said.

Dr Shahid does not explain why a ban on Hundi would increase remittances. After all, whether money is remitted to Pakistan by old methods like Hundi or modern methods like international bank transfers, money is being remitted.

But then Dr Shahid’s “expert” commentary takes a rather bizarre turn. He says that “perhaps it is a financial NRO” and a massive money laundering scheme. His evidence for such a shocking claim? He provides none. He just says “perhaps” and we are supposed to take him seriously because he is printed in The News as an expert.

Wouldn’t it make more sense, if a crook wanted to launder money, to use a system like Hundi that leaves no paper trail? According to a report by the International Monetary Fund, the answer is yes.

Generally, the growth of [Information Funds Transfer] systems seems to be negatively correlated with the level of development of the formal financial sector. Hawala-type operations appear to have prospered in countries with inefficient financial institutions and restrictive financial policies. However, in cases where the user’s intent is of an illegal or criminal nature, he or she will use informal financial systems irrespective of the level of financial sector development.

The so-called expert Dr Shahid then proceeds to make other bizarre claims such as stating that “the worst crisis in the stock market came in 2008 during the incumbent government’s tenure”. Actually, the crisis took place in May 2008. But the government was only elected in February 2008. Does Dr Shahid propose that the government is responsible for the state of the economy as it was only three months after elections?

Later, the so-called expert simply misleads readers by claiming that agriculture sectors growth was actually a decline due to population growth. This is simply nonsense. Agriculture sector cannot “grow” and “decline” at the same time. What Dr Shahid is referring to is a function of population, not agriculture.

These are not the only strange claims made by Dr Shahid. In 2006, Dr Shahid joined Mirza Aslam Beg and Hameed Gul at a seminar in Karachi where he claimed that “the republication of [blasphemous] cartoons was aimed at widening the gulf between Muslims and Europe as the Europeans had held huge demonstrations against US imperialism and the attack on Iraq.”

And Dr Shahid claimed in an interview that privatization is dangerous because there might be a secret European-American-Indian conspiracy to buy Pakistan’s strategic assets.

A point of worry is that one fine morning we could find to our horror that the strategic assets, sold by Pakistan to foreigners during last few years, have gone into the hands of entities owned by European / US nationals of say Indian origin as these could be purchased from the new owners according to a well thought of integrated strategy.

Asking experts to help provide clarification and context to complex stories is a perfectly legitimate journalistic practice. Using unidentified or biased “experts” to dress up political attacks is not.

If a chair falls…is it front page news?

Sunday, March 18th, 2012

The News (Jang Group)If a chair falls, is it news worthy of the front page of the nation’s largest media group? Apparently the answer is yes. Sunday’s edition of The News (Jang Group) featured a front page story about…a chair tipping over.

As the president stood up to deliver his fifth presidential address to the joint session of parliament, his chair fell to the ground with a crash, but the president had by this time already moved towards the rostrum.

The News reported this bit of…news?…by quoting unidentified “cautious parliamentarians” suggesting that the falling chair “could only portend a bad outcome for the government”, as if Parliament House were swarming with jinns who move chairs in order to signal their favour or disfavour with elected officials.

According to The News, “A senior party official, however, shrugged off the incident saying that it was just a trivial occurrence and not worthy of discussion”.  Perhaps, but it was this trivial occurrence was front page news for Jang Group.

Was The News Manipulated By Its Own Man?

Tuesday, March 13th, 2012

The News (Jang Group)Now that The News acknowledges that ‘Memogate’ is not as open and shut a case as some assumed, the paper should ask itself why it was so certain about Mansoor Ijaz’s claims at the beginning. In his video series on journalism ethics, Abbas Nasir discusses several traps that journalists face including conflict of interest and working with sources that are promoting a particular agenda rather than the objective truth. We usually think of biased sources as being paid agents of agencies or other external organisations. But what if the biased source was an employee of the media group itself.

Shaheen Sehbai was one of the the first Pakistani journalists to promote Ijaz – not after the famous Financial Times op-ed, but over a decade beforehand. While he was Dawn‘s Washington correspondent in the mid-1990s, Shaheen Sehbai wrote several stories promoting the American businessman.

In 1995, Sehbai filed a story, ‘Dateline Washington : A blueprint Pakistan cannot ignore’ that described Mansoor Ijaz as the manager of a billion dollar investment firm who is the secret hand writing US policy. Actually, Sehabi’s description from 1995 sounds strangely familiar.

He and his other friends, in similar well placed position, say they have laid the ground work for the changes that have started to show in the U.S. policy towards Pakistan (meaning others were just paying lip service) and they have been at this job ever since the Pressler sanctions were imposed.

Their claims are hard to be accepted or rejected at their face value but what has actually taken place in favour of Pakistan including the change of heart in the White House, the sympathetic mood of the Senate and the bipartisan support for an even-handed policy in South Asia, was originally outlined in Mansoor Ijaz’s confidential blueprint. That gives his claims a bit more credibility that any Pakistani Government official would make us believe.

It should be noted that this demonstrates that as far back as 1995, Shaheen Sehbai was already promoting Mansoor Ijaz as the billionaire international advisor that gave his recent claims such credibility in the media and the public mind. But blogger Ibrahim Sajid Malick investigated these claims and found Mansoor Ijaz’s wealth and power a little less impressive that what was being claimed.

A self-styled Pakistani-American who describes himself as “ultra wealthy man” with expensive lawyers in major cosmopolitans of the world seems to have several financial defaults, almost no personal assets, and a creditor attempting to collect a court ordered judgment against him since 2010 in New York.

How is that Sehabi did not uncover this same information about Ijaz’s supposed wealth? Ibrahim Sajid Malick himself used to work with Shaheen Sehbai, writing for his South Asia Tribune website in the early 2000s, and he wrote last year that Shaheen Sehbai and Mansoor Ijaz had more than just a journalist-subject relationship. According to Malick, Shaheen Sehbai’s South Asia Tribune was funded by Mansoor Ijaz.

When Shaheen Sehbai ran his website SATribune.com I had written few articles for him. I also briefly assisted him with getting advertisement when he converted his online presence to print. During those days, Shaheen Sehbai had mentioned that Mansoor Ijaz is one of the ‘funders’ for his publication. I didn’t think it was such a big deal. But now after memogate controversy, I can’t but wonder if MI and SS still collaborate.

This raises serious questions about the Shaheen Sehbai’s credibility as an independent journalist, especially in stories involving Mansoor Ijaz. Shaheen Sehbai was one of the first media men to strongly insist on Mansoor Ijaz’s credibility, even co-authoring stories with The News Editor Mohammad Malik declaring the memo as ‘treasonous’ as early as last November. Did Shaheen Sehbai reveal to Mohammad Malik that he had a long and possibly financial relationship with Mansoor Ijaz? Or did he withhold this information in order to manipulate his newspaper’s position on the story?

If Shaheen Sehbai discussed his long relationship with Mr Ijaz, did he note that he had written in 1996 that the spokesman for Pakistan Embassy in Washington had described Mansoor Ijaz as “vilifying and damaging Pakistan, because the embassy denied him 15 million dollars he had demanded to deliver votes in the United States House of Representatives for the passage of the Brown Amendment”?

Or did Sehbai describe Mansoor Ijaz as he did one year later in 1997 – “a Pakistani-American investment tycoon running a multi-billion dollar money management firm, who also wrote a number of hard-hitting articles against the Benazir Bhutto government, exposing itscorruption and incompetencelast year.” Actually, in his 1997 piece about Mansoor Ijaz, Shaheen Sehbai not only describes him as a ‘tycoon’, but spends most of his article quoting from an op-ed by Mansoor Ijaz himself! Did he mention to his boss that he noted in a 1998 article for Dawn that he had interviewed Mansoor Ijaz about the F-16s that went undelivered due to sanctions imposed under the Pressler Amendment?

Two years later in 1999, Shaheen Sehbai again praises Mansoor Ijaz – this time as Pakistan’s saviour “who used his clout with the Clinton Administration and key senators” to lift military and economic sanctions.

The close relationship between Shaheen Sehbai and Mansoor Ijaz appeared in the media again in 2002 when Vanity Fair was reported on the murder of Daniel Pearl. According to the report, Daniel Pearl called Mansoor Ijaz at the recommendation of Indian intelligence who claimed Ijaz “was wired with leading jihadis”. The Vanity Fair reporter called Ijaz who confirmed his contact with Daniel Pearl. According to the interview,

Ijaz made introductions to three sources: Shaheen Sehbai, editor of The News, Pakistan’s largest English language daily; a jihadi activist he declines to name; and — most fatefully — Khalid Khawaja, a Muslim militant and a onetime agent with Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence agency (ISI) who counts among his very best friends Osama bin Laden.

Even if Shaheen Sehbai hid his long relationship with Mansoor Ijaz, shouldn’t The News have become somewhat suspicious when he wrote a detailed piece last October defending Ijaz’s credibility, and then included this fateful memory:

Ijaz, it may be recalled, was involved in mediating in Sudan during the Clinton presidency, where he secured critical counter-terrorism assistance for the US authorities. He was also the man who worked behind the scenes to get a statement issued by the then Vice President Al Gore against a possible military coup during Benazir’s second tenure. In fact, I personally attended the event where Gore came to join Pakistani activists at a fundraiser and out of the blue ended his speech with the warning that no military coups would be tolerated in Pakistan.

If journalists are going to effectively hold officials accountable, they must be credible as objective and neutral reporters. At a minimum, a reporters relationships – personal and financial – with key characters in their stories should be openly disclosed to the public. Better, though, is for journalists not report on stories when they have a close personal connection that can cloud their judgment.

All media groups are threatened by manipulators, and all media groups make mistakes. The important thing is to put in place processes and procedures that can prevent mistakes and manipulation, and to carry out investigations when mistakes and manipulations do happen so that the processes and procedures can be strengthened.

When The Nation was discovered to have Taliban propaganda on their website, Nawa-e-Waqt group responded immediately by investigating the incident and correcting it. They did so publicly to ensure that the credibility of their reporting was not jeopardised. Whether The News and its Editor Mohammad Malik were manipulated by Shaheen Sehbai to promote a particular agenda in the ‘memogate’ case can only be determined by a thorough and transparent investigation by Jang Group. Whether they will take this step is up to them.

Babar Sattar vs. Babar Sattar on transparency

Monday, March 12th, 2012

Babar SattarIslamabad based lawyer Babar Sattar is a regular columnist on legal issue for The News (Jang Group). As a respected legal mind writing for the nation’s largest media group, he has a special ability to influence public opinion on important issues. Mr Sattar is entitled to his opinons, of course, but we believe it is fair to note when inconsistencies in his pieces suggest that the positions he is projecting may be influenced by something other than facts.

Writing about Asma Jahangir’s critique of the Supreme Court’s interim order in the ‘memogate’ fiasco, Babar Sattar called the Court’s actions “a welcome development” for expanding the scope of fundamental rights.

Why should a matter be consigned to the dustbin merely because it involves national security, the holiest of all cows? Does it not bode well that national security has finally stepped outside the exclusive domain of the khakis? When was the last time that the army chief and the DG ISI (or any serving general for that matter) submitted himself before a court of law in Pakistan? Why should the court be expected to look away when asked to determine whether or not Pakistan’s envoy to a foreign state made an offer that compromises Article 9 and 10 rights of Pakistanis under the constitution? Would it strengthen rule of law in Pakistan if instead of being adjudicated before courts of law in full public view, the ‘troikas’ and such illegitimate centres of power in our polity continue to brawl over and resolve differences related to national security behind closed doors?

In questioning the Court’s actions on the ‘memogate’ case, Babar Sattar suggested, the Supreme Court was being treated unfairly by assumptions that the Court would treat civilians and military officials differently.

The misgivings against the Supreme Court are a product of the premature (and uncharitable) conclusion that the apex court is incapable of doing justice in a matter wherein the army chief and the DG ISI have exhibited personal interest. And these fears have not singularly been nurtured by the court’s actions or orders in the memo case, but by its omissions and indifference vis-à-vis other cases wherein the allegations of abuse of fundamental rights are much more blatant. For example, what would it take to get the Supreme Court to fix for hearing the Asghar Khan case and adjudicate the alleged involvement of the ISI in distributing funds and cobbling together the IJI?

Though he could not have predicted it, Mr Sattar got his wish and the Supreme Court took up the Asghar Khan case earlier this year. So what does Babar Sattar have to say about the importance of transparent investigations and fundamental rights now?

It is thus important that the Asghar Khan case leads to a wider disclosure of facts. Such disclosure need not be public.

Perhaps the Supreme Court is not treating civilians and military officials differently under the law, but it certainly looks like someone is.

Sehbai’s latest conspiracy another version of an old script

Tuesday, March 6th, 2012

The News (Jang Group)Shaheen Sehbai has returned with yet another conspiracy theory about secret, sinister plans being hatched behind the scenes by the PPP leadership. But this latest conspiracy is nothing new, and is really just a repeat of the same old script.

In his article of Monday, Sehbai accuses the government of hatching a sinister plan to hold onto power. What is this sinister plan? Apparently, the government is planning to complete its term.

According to Sehbai, the PPP leadership is hatching a scheme “to extend the present conglomerate of power-sharing at the Centre and in the provinces for so long that all threats, including General Kayani and Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry, retire and get out of their way.” But wait…General Kayani and Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry both are serving terms that end in 2013 – the same year as the present government’s term ends also. So is this “sinister plan” really just the government planning to complete its democratically elected term? According to Sehbai, the answer is yes.

An indication of the plan has already been given by Opposition leader Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan who has candidly admitted that he saw no prospects of a general elections in 2012, meaning that the present assemblies will complete their five-year term and the pressure for early polls was no longer being felt.

In other words, Shaheen Sehbai believe that the government planning to finish its democratically elected term amounts to an “extremely dangerous plan” and “a twisted scheme”.

Actually, Sehbai’s latest conspiracy is just the latest version of Shaheen Sehbai’s worn out anti-Zardari script. If you remember, when the present government was first elected, Shaheen Sehbai was part of a vocal group of Zardari haters whose personal animosity for the president was so strong that they declared the government a failure before it even began. With each passing event, the Zardari Haters Club predicted the imminent fall of the government, and each time they were proven wrong.

As the years passed, the script began to change. No longer was Zardari an incompetent and bumbling joker, now he was an evil genius whose diabolical schemes knew no limits.

Shaheen Sehbai then proceeded to beg other political parties to “stop Zardari & Co”, only to turn his attacks on those same parties when they did not fulfill his wishes. Eventually, Sehbai’s personal hatred for Zardari was reduced to petty insults and factual errors.

For its part, the government has responded to Sehbai’s latest piece by simply stating the obvious:

“There is no sinister plan underway and the government is fully committed to the norms of democracy. All constitutional institutions will complete their term specified by the constitution of Pakistan and speculating otherwise tantamount to mockery of constitutional institutions, the spokesman has added.

“The spokesman has further said, we must acknowledge that the will of the masses is the basis of the authority of government and everyone should respect the mandate given to the government by the people of Pakistan. The civilian and democratically elected leadership of the country is working to make Pakistan as a safe, secure, democratic, modern and progressive country where there is respect for the rights of the people and an assuring environment for the citizens at large to progress and develop their skills and passions.

“Moreover the democratically elected civilian government has respect for the judiciary and will continue to do so. On the other hand the government and the national security institutions are working together to strengthen the defence of Pakistan.

“Finally, democracy is a matter of great patience. It may seem amusing to few to dislodge a government prematurely or demand mid-term elections every now and then, but true democracy lies in governmental stability between scheduled national elections.”

In response, Sehbai has said that it would be better if the government focus on important issues rather than “what I write”. We agree. We also think it would be better if The News and Jang Group would focus on important issues rather than continuing to run repeats of worn out conspiracy theories and petty political attacks.

PPP wins big on Friday, Jang terms the elections ‘a major setback’ for the party

Saturday, March 3rd, 2012

Party positions in Senate

By all accounts, PPP emerged as the clear winner in Friday’s Senate elections. The Nation carried the headline, ‘PPP, allies win 2/3 majority in Senate’. Dawn carried the headline, ‘Ruling coalition gains a foothold in Senate’, and Pakistan Today announced that PPP, allies sweep Senate polls. Even The News from page carried the headline, PPP emerges as largest party in the Senate. But readers of The News might actually come away with the idea that PPP suffered a major setback in Friday’s elections. Why? Because that’s what they reported.

Despite the clear victory for PPP in the Senate elections, The News ran not one but three different stories about a single PPP candidate who did not win his seat. Carried on the front page, the headline reads, Loser Gill gives a major setback to PPP in Punjab. On page 5, The News carried a story by Asim Yasin that claims ‘Ignorance costs PPP Senate seat, and even a third article by Faizan Bangash that claims ‘Party made Gill scapegoat for Babar victory, fume Jiyalas’. This article even suggests that Gill’s loss was possibly due to ‘poor election strategy’, an allegation that might raise eyebrows considering the party swept the polls. Other parties might be wishing they had an election strategy so bad that they could win a majority.

What is curious about the The News claim of ‘fuming jiyalas’ over the ‘poor election strategy’ is not only that PPP was the biggest winner in the elections, but that even another article in The News describes a sea change in the selection of ticket holders by PPP leadership to give more preference to lesser known party workers.

“The party has always given seats to the workers in the Senate polls; however, this time, far more representation has been given to them,” said the winning candidate, Saeed Ghani, who is a well-known trade union activist in Karachi.

The delighted workers showered rose petals on Saeed Ghani and the other victorious candidate Mukhtiar alias Aajiz Dhamra. Some of the workers, overwhelmed by emotions, even carried the newly-elected senators on their shoulders.

This hardly sounds like ‘fuming jiyalas’ upset over ‘poor election strategy’ that caused the party ‘a major setback’.

It is no secret that there is no love lost between Jang Group and PPP. But that should not be reflected in reporting. If The News wants to publish pieces on the opinion page critical of one party or another, that is one thing. But publishing multiple articles about a single loss following an otherwise very successful election just seems petty. If opposition parties want to try to spin Friday’s results as a defeat for the PPP, they have their own media cells to do that. They don’t need Jang Group‘s help.

Jang Group Attacks Human Rights Watch

Thursday, February 23rd, 2012

The News (Jang Group)In Daily Jang and The News, Ahmad Noorani accuses Pakistan Director Human Rights Watch Ali Dayan Hasan of “presenting wrong facts and figures” and presenting a one-sided view of the Balochistan crisis in his testimony at the US Congress earlier this month. Noorani’s article supports a popular narrative – that the American hearing was not a fair and representative discussion of the situation. But is The News being any more fair in its own reporting on Human Rights Watch?

In his spoken testimony at the US Congress, Ali Dayan did allege the military of forced disappearances and target killings. Though PMW has no way to know whether military personnel have or have not been involved in such acts, it is hardly a novel claim. Actually, it is not uncommon to see protests about this very claim.

It should also be noted that the Supreme Court is currently hearing a case about the issue of missing persons possibly detained and abused by security forces also. This does not mean that allegations are true – that is for the court to determine. But it does mean that Ali Dayan’s claim is not unheard of.

Despite Ahmad Noorani’s characterisation, Ali Dayan did not offer a one-sided view or hold security institutions “solely responsible for the whole crisis” as claimed by Ahmad Noorani. In his spoken testimony, Ali Dayan told the hearing that “there are abuses that we have documented by Baloch nationalist militants, particularly against education personnel and against other non-Baloch residents of the province”. He went on to note that “Non-Baloch, particularly Punjabi settlers and Urdu-speaking settlers in Balochistan, are living equally in fear of their lives because of fear of attack from Baloch nationalists”. And it was not just the military and Baloch militants who took criticism from Human Rights Watch. Ali Dayan also pointed out attacks by sectarian militants against Hazara Shia in Balochistan.

In his longer written statement, Ali Dayan goes into more detail about “non-state groups” responsible fore human rights abuses in Balochistan including attacks against “police and security forces and military bases”.

Armed militant groups in Balochistan are responsible for targeted killings and destroying private property. In the past several years, they have increasingly targeted non-Baloch civilians and their businesses, as well as major gas installations and infrastructure. They have also struck police and security forces and military bases throughout the province.

Three distinct non-state groups are responsible for violence against civilians in the province: militant Baloch nationalist groups seeking separation or autonomy for Balochistan that target Punjabis and other minorities; militant Sunni Muslim groups such as the Lashkar-eJhangvi that attack members of the Shia community; and armed Islamist groups that have most recently attacked those who act contrary to their interpretation of Islam.

Militant nationalist groups such as the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) and the Baloch Liberation United Front (BLUF) have claimed responsibility for most killings of non-Baloch civilians, including teachers and other education personnel. They attempt to justify these attacks as a nationalist Baloch response to grievances against the state, and retaliation against abuses that state security forces have committed against Baloch community members.

Amidst the violence, Balochistan’s long-term problems of governance and the stand-off between the Pakistani military and Baloch militants have deepened a general perception in the province of neglect, discrimination, and denial of rights. These are exacerbated by the continuing tribal system and its archaic social structures, the influence of the tribal chief on the justice system and police, and the consequent denial of citizens’ fundamental rights.

The poor and marginalized, particularly women, are adversely affected by traditional forms of dispute resolution and lack of access to other redress mechanisms. They lack assets and opportunities, have no social safety net, and are bound by practices that affect their welfare. There are frequent reports of both state law enforcement agencies and local power-brokers committing abuses against marginalized populations. Labor conditions are abysmal, and there is no single system of justice despite a uniform civil and criminal code. The widespread use of tribal jirgas (councils) and other informal forums of justice increase the difficulty of seeking redress and obtaining justice, devaluing its quality.

Finally, the violence has denuded the already thinly spread provision of public safety. Organized police services cover only a fraction of the province’s territory (about 4 percent of the land area), while the rest is covered by tribal recruits forming levies.

Unfortunately, readers would not know the facts about Ali Dayan’s testimony because Ahmad Noorani failed to report them in his piece. Ahmad Noorani claims in his article that Ali Dayan presented ‘wrong facts and figures’, but he addresses no facts or figures in his piece. He did, however, give significant space in his article for political statements against the government by Senior PML-N leader Khawaja Asif, which has nothing to do with the subject of the article.

Instead of reporting what Ali Dayan actually said, Noorani implied that Ali Dayan blamed the military for all abuses and then reported his phone numbers including his international cell number which serves no legitimate journalistic purpose and only invites abuse and harassment.

Neither is this the first time that Ahmad Noorani and The News have attacked Human Rights Watch. Last month during the ‘memogate’ hearings, The News published multiple hit pieces targeting Human Rights Watch, even accusing HRW of being ‘a foreign organisation working in Pakistan under the cover of human rights’.

Human Rights Watch is an internationally respected NGO, not a political activist group. And Ali Dayan Hasan is a respected human rights advocate, not a Baloch militant. The responsibility of professional news journalists and media groups is to report facts, not hit pieces.

Historical Revisionism

Tuesday, February 14th, 2012

British Prime Minister Winston Churchill famously said, “History will be kind to me, for I intend to write it”. History will not be so kind to another Prime Minister, not if Ansar Abbasi (Jang Group) writes it. In fact, Ansar Abbasi has decided that rather than way for events to actually play out, he’s going to to go ahead and write history now. Of course, that’s not history at all – it’s just predictions coloured by wishful thinking.

On the front page of The News and Daily Jang on Monday, Ansar Abbasi writes that “Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani would make history today (Monday), not as a hero but as a villain”.

Now, if your first reaction to this is, “Wait…that’s not reporting facts, that’s just Ansar Abbasi’s opinion”, then congratulations – you are correct. But Jang Group publishing opinions instead of news is an old story. So let’s take a look at exactly what leads Abbasi to his opinion and see if he is at least giving readers all the facts so that they can make an informed decision about whether Abbasi’s harsh judgment is warranted.

According to Ansar Abbasi, “The Supreme Court had given him all possible opportunities to uphold rule of law by implementing the apex court’s order in the NRO case but Gilani has opted to be remembered as a loyal to his soiled party leadership”. This is certainly one interpretation of events. But there is interpretation that Ansar Abbasi conveniently ignores – one actually based in the constitution.

The Prime Minister has said continually that he has not written a letter requesting the Swiss authorities to open corruption cases against the president because he has been advised that to do so would be in violation of Article 248.

It should be noted that PM Gilani is not trained as a lawyer – his educational background is as a journalist. But being a lawyer is not a requirement for being Prime Minister. Actually, there is the Ministry of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs which tenders advice to all the Federal Government on legal and constitutional questions.

In this case, the Prime Minister was advised by the Ministry of Law that writing the letter would be a violation of Article 248 of the Constitution, which says that, “No criminal proceedings whatsoever shall be instituted or continued against the President or a Governor in any court during his term of office”. This is advice that his attorney, Aitzaz Ahsan, has confirmed and argued before the Court.

Essentially, the Supreme Court is ordering the PM to act against the advice of the Ministry of Law under threat of contempt – something legal experts have described as a ‘contempt trap’

If one were to give the benefit of the doubt to the accused in the instance of Gilani’s contempt proceedings, one could see that Gilani has fallen victim to a type of contempt trap. The court has continued to demand that Gilani write a letter to Swiss authorities, asking for Pakistan to be reinstated as a party to the money laundering case against President Zardari. However, under Article 248 of the Constitution, Zardari enjoys immunity from all prosecutions while he is sitting as President of Pakistan.

During the recent hearings, Aitzaz Ahsan went so far as to say that the Swiss authorities had been contacted by government and they have chosen not to pursue a case against Zardari, respecting his immunity under the Pakistani constitution. The court was perhaps frustrated to hear this information so late in the game, after so many requests from the Prime Minister to explain his position and to show that his government took the court’s orders seriously.

Despite the fact that the court’s order to reopen the Swiss cases is no longer likely or possible, they are continuing in their contempt hearings against the Prime Minister. This is remarkable because the court is essentially asking the Prime Minister to violate Article 248, which the Prime Minster cannot do as a sworn member of Parliament, and thus invoking his contempt of the court proceedings.

Others have noted that Article 248 does not only provide immunity to the President, but provides qualified immunity to the Prime Minister.

The President, a Governor, the Prime Minister, a Federal Minister, a Minister of State, the Chief Minister and a Provincial Minister shall not he answerable to any court for the exercise of powers and performance of functions of their respective offices or for any act done or purported to be done in the exercise of those powers and performance of those functions

Despite these assessments, the Prime Minister has not questioned the Supreme Court’s right to hear the case nor attempted to create a political issue out of the case. Rather, he has appeared before the Supreme Court not once but twice – ironically, making history as the first Prime Minister to show such respect to the judiciary where past Prime Ministers have chosen to storm the Supreme Court.

Nor did the Prime Minister request the president to remove the justices as was done by Gen. Mushararaf. Actually, Gilani’s first act as Prime Minister was to release from house arrest those judges who had been detained by Gen. Musharraf.

Unfortunately, none of these historical facts appears in Ansar Abbasi’s front page column. Instead, he quickly moves away from the facts of the case at hand and resorts to repeating claims like, “corruption of Rs8,500 billion has been recorded during these four years as per the Transparency International’s assessment”. We have searched the TI website and have been unable to find any such assessment. Perhaps Ansar Abbasi is referring to his previous articles that have already been discredited.

In the past, history was often written by the victors. With the spread of the printing press, competing histories became written by different sides. With the advent of the Internet, this has become even more the case. Histories can be found that are written from all sides and perspectives – winners, losers, and bitter old men. Certainly Ansar Abbasi will have his own view of history, and that is his right. But facts are facts, and we hope that in the future, Jang Group will seek to include more facts and less biased opinion.

Transparently Ridiculous

Wednesday, February 8th, 2012

With the Memogate dud finally fizzling out and the hearing on contempt charges against the PM not set until next week, it promised to be a slow news week. Right on cue, the old reliable story of corruption is back in the headlines again, at least at one media group. The latest headlines, though, are almost comical and may do more to harm than good the cause of exposing corruption.

The latest series of stories began last weekend when Ansar Abbasi reported for The News that “Pakistan has lost…more than Rs8,500 billion…during the last four years”. Abbasi’s source, for once with a name, is none other than Transparency International Pakistan (TIP) Advisor Syed Adil Gilani giving the claim some credibility. But the numbers quoted, rather than giving a clear view of corruption, actually provide a confusing and convoluted picture of the so-called “corruption”.

After several paragraphs of condemning statements, Abbasi finally gets to some hard numbers. But what readers are presented with are not cases of government officials pocketing money or steering it to their cronies. Instead, we are told that “circular debt is Rs190 million”, “state-owned enterprises like PSO, PIA, Pakistan Steel, Railways, SSGC, SNGC are eating away Rs150-300 billion per annum”, and “tax to GDP ratio in 2008 was 11%, which in 2011 has reduced to 9.1% instead of being increased”.

Economists can debate the proper level of circular debt and whether the government should own enterprises like airlines, railways, etc. But this is not corruption. Neither is the tax-to-GDP ratio. According to Abbasi, “this the drop of 1.9% in the tax GDP means annual loss of US$ 3.3 billion”. Even if his maths are correct, does he honestly expect us to believe that the PM has personally evaded US $3.3 billion in taxes? Again, this is a cultural problem – not official corruption.

Abbasi’s article takes a turn for the truly bizarre, however, when he attempts the following mathematical misdirection:

The TIP adviser added that India’s tax-GDP ratio is 18%, and at that rate, Pakistan’s tax evasion/corruption in FBR is 9% of $175 billion, which is US$15.5 billion per year, i.e. Rs1,400 billion per year.

Did you see what he did there? He’s not even comparing apples to oranges. Rather, he is suggesting that we pretend that the apples are oranges so that we can get an even higher number!

Believing he had discovered a magic formula for attacking the government, Ansar Abbasi continued his assault on mathematics a few days later when he claimed that he was mistaken on Sunday. The present government has not cost the nation Rs8.5 trillion – but Rs20 trillion!.

Where did Abbasi find an additional Rs9.5 trillion? After his article appeared on Sunday, he apparently received a phone call from his friend Dr Shahid Siddiqi who suggested some additional “corruption” that he could add to his equation. Now, in addition to counting spending for public enterprises like transport and steel, Ansar Abbasi is including national security spending as “corruption”.

Quoting the State Bank of Pakistan figures, Siddiqi said the cost of war on terror to country’s economy from April 1, 2008 till January 31, 2012 stands at Rs4400 billion ($50 billion).

And not only is he adding military spending, he is also adding in trade deficits and monetary devaluation!

The trade deficit of these years has been $47 billion where as the Pak rupee fell from Rs68.16 per dollar in June 2008 to Rs90.50 in February 2012. The rupee fell by Rs22.3 per dollar during these years. A total of $30 billion has been transferred out of Pakistan during the first three financial years of the Gilani regime.

At this point the question must be asked if there is anything Ansar Abbasi and his sources believe is not corruption?

It should be noted that Dr Shahid Siddiqi appears to be a ‘go-to’ economist for Ansar Abbasi’s economic hit pieces. In October 2011, Ansar Abbasi quoted Dr Siddiqi extensively terming the government as “lying” about economics and bleeding the country through corruption. Ansar Abbasi quoted Dr Siddiqi again in December 2011 as saying “the overall economic situation of Pakistan under the present regime is the worst in the 64-year history of Pakistan”.

Mr Adil Gilani, too, may have a grudge to bear against the present government as he has found himself summoned before Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) Lahore over questions about his relationship with National insurance Company Ltd board member Qasim Amin Dada. Previously, it was reported, Mr Adil Gilani’s son resigned from his position as board member of Pakistan National Shipping Corporation (PNSC) after questions were raised about his appointment.

We do not question that corruption is a legitimate and serious problem in society. But stirring up a cloud of dust and calling it smoke does not make a fire. Hit pieces based on formulas that inflate numbers do not help expose and eliminate corruption, it only serves to distract from those who are legitimately trying to shine a light on serious issues of corruption and governance. If we are going to reduce and eliminate corruption, we need serious journalists to do the honest work of reviewing data and separating what is and is not legitimate use of taxpayer funds.

Fragmented Media, Fragmented Nation

Saturday, February 4th, 2012

Not that long ago, two people from different walks of life would learn about the issues of the day from the same source. We relied on PTV and a handful of newspapers to bring us the news, and even this was vetted and censored by government officials. It was Gen Musharraf, ironically, who loosed the media from its chains and led to an incredible growth in the number of media outlets. The rich and the powerful who didn’t like what they were seeing in the media simply started their own newspapers and TV channels. Today, we live in a nation with over a hundred channels including dozens dedicated to news. But increased competition between media groups has not resulted in better reporting. In fact, it may be creating further divisions within society.

Mubasher Lucman and Najam Sethi may both talk about the same issue on their shows, but their viewers are likely to take away very different perceptions. Fans of Mubasher Lucman are likely to think that Najam Sethi is a liberal and possibly a paid agent of America. Fans of Najam Sethi, on the other hand, are more likely to think Mubasher Lucman is right-wing and possibly a paid agent of the establishment. They watch the person whose views align more closely with their own, and dismiss the views of the other.

This phenomenon is not confined to talk shows either. Are the same people reading The Friday Times reading The Nation also? How much overlap is there between readers of The News (Jang Group) and Dawn? While there is probably some overlap between readers of these large circulation newspapers, how many The News fans cannot stand Nadeem Paracha? And how many Dawn readers refuse to read anything by Ikram Sehgal?

But it’s not just the personalities that differentiate media groups. Each group’s editors also makes decisions about what stories to emphasise and which to play down. As an experiment, we looked at several major newspapers on Friday to see what was considered headline news. What we found was interesting.

In the English media, The Nation, Express Tribune, and Dawn each carried two front page stories about contempt charges against the PM. The News carried seven. On first two inside pages, neither Express Tribune nor Dawn published additional stories. The Nation added one, and The News filled almost the entire second page with two more bringing their total number of articles on the first two pages about the PM’s legal troubles to a grand total of nine – six more than the next closest paper!

We then looked at editorial pages. Express Tribune and Dawn both published editorials about the issue. The Nation did not. Here again, The News stood out by publishing an editorial right next to a major opinion piece by the editor, Mohammad Malick, also!

Things were even more interesting when we compared to Urdu media. Nawa-e-Waqt carried 9 front page articles about the issue, Daily Express and Jang both carried 11. The front pages of Urdu newspapers are notoriously crammed, but 11 articles on the same story?

Nawa-e-Waqt had nothing on the first two interior pages, while Daily Express added two more and Jang added an additional three.

This was fascinating to us. For readers of The News or Jang, charges against the PM didn’t seem like a story, it seemed like the only story.

It should also be noted that The Nation, the only English language newspaper that had no editorial about the issue, used most of its editorial space to write about Kashmir, NATO and the WTO.

What does all this mean? We think it indicates that the media may becoming increasingly fragmented. Rather than competing over quality reporting, different media groups are simply providing different groups ‘news’ that reinforces their point of view. Liberals have liberal voices to look to for analysis, conservatives have conservative voices, and with online publishing fueling the growth of alternative media, extremists and conspiracy mongers have their own media groups also.

As a result, society is becoming increasingly fragmented. People assume that those they don’t agree with are liars or hypocrites. They don’t understand how someone can possibly see things in a different way since everyone they read and listen to agrees with them. Certain positions become “obvious” or “undebatable”. What they don’t realise is that the other guy is thinking the exact same thing about him.

Fragmented media might be a good business model by allowing media groups to focus on appealing to one specific niche market, but the question should be asked whether it also creates problems for society. Readers of Jang are likely to think that PM’s contempt case is the most pressing issue of the nation, while readers of The Nation might think that national security takes center stage. How can we agree on how to solve the most important issues facing the nation if we can’t even agree on what the most important issues are?

Unfortunately, there are no easy answers for this. The most readily available solution, though, may be to change our habits as media consumers. We should challenge ourselves by not only consuming that media that reinforces our own beliefs, but should also consider the points of those we disagree with. In order to do this, we should not limit ourselves to one or two media groups that we are comfortable with, but should venture outside our comfort zone to see how other media groups are reporting the news. And if we see that one media group, for example, is treating a story completely differently than every other media group, maybe we should ask ourselves if they are reporting the news…or trying to influence it.